With the death of Queen Elizabeth in 1603 the Puritans, who were Calvinists in their doctrinal sympathies, had reason to hope the severe persecution they were suffering would end with the ascension of James I. James was raised and educated in Scotland under the watchful tutorage of Presbyterian clergy. His avowed admiration and attachment to the Kirk and the pure doctrine and practice of Calvinist Presbyterianism gave reason for such hope.

However, James proved to be a disastrous disappointment to all non-conformists. Once crowned, he succumbed to the persuasive abilities of Whitgift, Archbishop of Canterbury, and Bancroft, Bishop of London. The praise and adoration which James received from these Anglican notables was in contrast to his rigid and stiff necked Calvinist mentors in Scotland, where Andrew Melville had once chastised the young royal to his face by calling him "God's silly vassal." The appeasement of James' colossal vanity lead to the edict of the Hampton Court Conference in which dissenters were given to expect nothing but rigorous persecution from their arrogant king.

This new round of persecution, with little expectation of early abatement, resulted in the migration of many dissenters to Holland. Among those who fled James' renewed oppression was a congregation of Brownists, or Separatists Puritans from Gainsborough led by John Smyth, an ex-Anglican clergyman. Their removal from England to Holland occurred around 1608. In Amsterdam they were joined by another group led by John Robinson, who later moved his congregation to Leydon and is noted as one of the Pilgrim Fathers.

In his book Shapers of Baptist Thought, James Tull makes a distinction between Independents and Separatist within the Puritan movement. He notes Independents wished to reform the Church of England, while the Separatists believed the Established Church was beyond reformation. They believed true reformation could only occur through a presbyterian polity directed from Geneva. However, the majority in both groups were Calvinists. In a sense, Independents were dissenters within the Church of England while Separatists were dissenters from without, having been either excommunicated or voluntarily separated from the Anglican body.

After arriving in Amsterdam, Smyth gradually came to the conclusion that the baptismal practice of his Calvinist Puritanism was not scriptural. Believing that pedobaptism was false, he persuaded his congregation to declare themselves not a church and disband. He then baptized himself by immersion and afterward baptized his entire congregation. Thus immersed, they proceeded to reconstitute themselves as a church, based upon believers baptism and baptism by immersion. It is from this act that historians conclude Smyth's group became a Baptist church.

Shortly after this reformation, Smyth initiated conversations regarding the possibility of joining a nearby Dutch Waterlander Mennonite Church, since they were no longer Puritan Separatists because of their rejection of pedobaptism. Because of the irregularity of their baptisms, the Mennonites were understandably reluctant to admit Smyth's group into their body. Their reluctance might also have stemmed from the fact that Smyth was a Calvinist while the Waterlanders, though Mennonites, were Arminians. However, it appears Smyth soon changed his coat and became an Arminian, urging his church to submit to baptism by the Waterlander Mennonites. Though he died before the merge occurred, a remnant of his followers finally joined the Mennonites.

Smyth's willingness to abandon his Calvinist theology attests to the pliability of his doctrinal convictions. However, Smyth must have realized that by rejecting pedobaptism he had separated his group from the Puritan movement. Evidently he felt baptism by immersion was important enough to warrant separation from his Puritan brethren. As to church identity, lacking any other direction of affiliation, evidently he willingly surrendered his Calvinism in order to gain identity with the Waterlander Baptists.

Smyth's desire to join the Mennonite congregation caused a split in his congregation, led by John Helwys. The split was not over the Arminian theology of the Waterlanders; rather, Helwys' group was uniformly satisfied with their reformation baptisms at the hand of Smyth and would not submit to rebaptism by the Mennonites. This group started a separate church, complete with an Arminian Confession of faith. Composed by Helwys in 1610 before leaving Holland, it is written in the new church's name and contains twenty-seven articles. According to William L. Lumpkin, "Mennonite influence is readily seen in the confession for it shows a departure from the hitherto markedly consistent Calvinism of the Separatist movement." Helwys included articles relating to general atonement for all believers, justification by faith as received through the gospel, and a tenet which stated saints may fall from grace through disobedience and unbelief. Article five deals with predestination. In part, it reads; "That God before the foundation of the world predestinated that all that believe in him shall be saved and all who believe not in him shall be damned, all which he knew before. And this is the Election and reprobation spoken in the Scripture, concerning salvation, and condemnation, and not that God hath Predestinated men to be wicked, and to be damned, for God would have all men saved, and come to the knowledge of the truth, and would have no man to perish, but would have all men come to repentance." From this article alone there can be no doubt that the Helwys group were Arminian Baptists. It was this Confession of Faith, with its high Arminian doctrine, which Helwys brought back to England.

In 1612 or 1613 Helwys and his followers returned to England. As stated, during their exile in Holland, Smyth's group underwent certain doctrinal changes resulting from their affiliation with the Dutch Mennonites. Though Smyth left as a staunch Calvinist Separatist, the portion of his congregation led by Helwys, which later came back to England, returned as strict Arminians However, Smyth's transition from Calvinist to Arminian was in keeping with his constant search for religious satisfaction. His theological journey, which started with Anglican Episcopalianism, ended with Dutch Waterlander Mennonite Arminianism. According to Baptist historian A. C. Underwood, Smyth's theological wanderings resulted in the founding of the Arminian General Baptist denomination. He wrote of Smyth, "....he stands at the fountain head of consecutive Baptist history. He may be regarded as the father and founder of the original Baptist of England and of the General Baptists in particular. After the lapse of three hundred years he must be placed in the vanguard of what is now the ecumenical communion."

Elder Sylvestor Hassell makes the following statement concerning the origin of Particular Baptists. "In 1633, September the 12th, the first Particular Baptist, or Calvinist, or Predestinarian English Baptist Church was founded in London, under the pastoral care of John Spilsbury, from those members of an Independent Church who rejected infant baptism; it was called Bond Street Church, and was in the parish of Wapping, London." Elder Hassell provides no further information as to the origin of this church so far as succession is concerned.

A more detailed account of the origin of Particular Baptists is Found in Underwood's History of the English Baptist. Though similar in outcome the circumstance is slightly different. First noting this group has its origin with Puritan and Pilgrim Father John Robinson, it reads, "In 1616 Henry Jacob and some of the exiled Independents returned to England from the Netherlands and began work in London. In 1633, John Spilsbury and a few others left this church, apparently because they had come to oppose infant baptism."

Robert Torbet provides additional details. His account indicates some twenty years after the Helwys group returned to England a friendly division occurred. In September 1633, by honorable dismissal, several members separated themselves from Helwys' congregation and formed an independent church constituted on Calvinist principles. Shortly thereafter John Spilsbury was elected their pastor. Within a few years this congregation came to be known as Regular or Particular Baptists. Their name was adopted based upon their belief in particular redemption.

Torbet's account also explains an apparent link up of the former Smyth and Robinson groups. He cites the presence of Lathrop as an early leader of the group formed in 1616. From this it may be assumed that the two groups merged when John Lathrop and his group left the fledgling General Baptist congregation. Thus, his reference to two branches under Henry Jacob may result from these separate origins, prior to a merger under the leadership of John Lathrop. One group was initially led by Henry Jacob, out of Robinson's Independents. The other group was led by John Lathrop, formerly with Helwys' General Baptist congregation, out of John Smyth's Separatists.

Torbet agrees with Underwood that Jacob was an Independent who left Robinson and returned to England in 1616. He gives the line of succession this way. The Particular Baptist were first recognizable as a separate group, with their own doctrine and practice, in 1638. They were first Independent Puritan Calvinists led by Henry Jacob. The church was aptly called Jacob Church. In 1622 Jacob moved to Virginia, where he died in 1624. After Henry Jacob, John Lathrop was pastor until his imprisonment in 1632. After his release from prison, he and about thirty members of his congregation fled to New England. The group which remained in England were led by two pastors. Cromwell's humorously named parliamentarian "Praise-God" Barebone led half the church which met in his house, Lock and Key, on Fleet Street. Henry Jessey cared for the other half. At this point, both Jessey and Barebone were still Puritan pedobaptists. In time Jessey came to accept believer's baptism and was baptized by Hansard Knollys who at the time was an Independent in sentiment, believing in baptism by immersion, but still a bishop with the Church of England.

B. R. White, in his work, English Baptists of the Seventeenth Century, notes that both Kiffin and Spilsbury were original members of the Jacob group, which was an outgrowth of the John Robinson Independents group.

In 1633 the Jessey group experienced a friendly split when Spilsbury and a small band left over the issue of baptismal authority. They did not object to infant baptism; however, they rejected the authority of Anglican Church baptism. In rejecting Anglican baptismal authority, the group made a transition from Independents to Separatists. (It is perhaps at this point where the former Helwys and Lathrop groups joined company.) They organized a separate church under the leadership of Samuel Elton. In 1638 another group left Jessey's church. This group believed only regenerates are qualified candidates for baptism. They are the first group out of Jessey's church to reject pedobaptism. William Kiffen was part of this group. Meanwhile, Spilsbury was chosen to replace Elton as pastor of the original group dismissed in 1633 from the Jessey's congregation. These two groups merged in 1638.

Thomas Crosby cites the earlier date, 1633, as the point at which the Particular Baptists were recognizable as a distinct denomination. Certainly, the group which later fully embraced the tenets of believers baptism and baptism by immersion is first seen as a congregation in 1633; however, at that time they still accepted the practice of pedobaptism. The doctrinal sentiment of the group which left Jessey in 1633 cannot be proven to be Baptist before 1638, after they merged with Kiffin. Spilsbury must have come to Baptist sentiment concerning believers baptism and baptism by immersion before he merged with Kiffin; but, according to Torbet, when Spilsbury left the Jessey church he was still a pedobaptist. The first documented evidence of his change in sentiment was after he merged with Kiffin in 1638. However, in practice, this group did not become a true Baptist Church until believers baptism and baptism by immersion became requirements for membership, which did not occur until 1641. According to Kiffin's manuscript, a group of members of this newly amalgamated congregation became convinced that baptism by aspersion (sprinkling or pouring) was unscriptural. This new view is known to have been held by Spilsbury, Kiffin and Richard Blunt, plus some few others. Blunt knew of Mennonites in Rhwynsburg, in the Netherlands, who practiced baptism by immersion. Because he spoke Dutch, in 1641 he traveled to Holland, where according to Kiffin's manuscript, he was kindly received and given letters for the new London congregation. It is believed the letters he received contained arguments in support of believers baptism and baptism by immersion.

Kiffin's manuscript, as paraphrased by Crosby, seems to demonstrate the Particular's desire to understand the proper mode and seek proper administration of the ordinance of baptism."They could not be satisfied about any administrator in England to begin this practice; because tho' some in this nation rejected baptism of infants, yet they had not as they knew revived the ancient custom of immersion."

Though the context of Thomas Crosby's History of the English Baptists seems to imply that Blunt was baptized while in Holland, Crosby does not say so outright. He continues Kiffin's narrative in his own words, but makes no specific reference to Blunt being baptized while in Holland. "But hearing that some in the Netherlands practiced it, they agreed to send over one Mr. Richard Blount, who understood the Dutch Language: That he went accordingly, carrying letters of recommendation with him, and was kindly received by the church there, and Mr. John Batte, their teacher: That upon his return he baptized Mr. Samuel Blacklock, a minister, and these two baptized the rest of their company, whose names appear in the manuscript, to the number of fifty-three."

Neither does the continuation of Kiffin's original manuscript say Blunt was baptized in Holland. Regarding Blunt's return and the subsequent baptismal service, Kiffin wrote, "1640. 3rd Mo.; The church became to (sic) by mutual consent just half being with Mr. P. Barebone, & ye other halfe with Mr. H. Jessey. Mr. Richard Blunt with him being convinced of Baptism yt also it ought to be by dipping in ye Body into ye Water, resembling Burial & rising again 2 Col. 2:12. Rom 6:4, had sober conference about it in ye Church, & then with some of the forenamed who also ware so convinced. And after prayer & Conference about their so enjoying it, none having then to practiced it in England to Professed Believers & hearing that some in ye Netherlands had so practiced they agreed and sent over Mr. Rich. Blunt (who understood Dutch) with letters of Commendation, and who was kindly accepted there, and returned with letters from them Jo: Batte a Teacher there and from that Church to such as sent him.

1641, They proceed therein, viz. Those Persons that ware persuaded Baptism should be by dipping ye Body had met in two Companies, and did intend so to meet after this, all these agreed to proceed alike togeather And then Manifesting (not by any formal Words a Covenant); wch word was scrupled by some of them, but by mutual desires and agreement each testified:

Those two Companyss did set apart one to Baptize the rest; so it was solemnly performed by them.

Mr. Blunt baptized Mr. Blacklock yt was a Teacher amongst them, and Mr. Blunt being Baptized, he & Mr. Blacklock Baptized ye rest of their friends that ware so minded, & many being added to them they increased much"

From this account, together with Burrage's corrected reading of Kiffin's manuscripts, several historians understand that Mr Blunt baptized Mr Blacklock and Mr Blacklock baptized Mr Blunt, and the two proceeded to baptize the rest of the congregation; which was evidently composed of two companies or churches.

William A. Whitsitt concurs with Burrage's interpretation, concluding that Blunt was not baptized in Holland. He places the occurrence of the reformation baptismal service at the earliest in 1641.

B. R. White also agrees with Burrage and Whitsitt, maintaining that Particular Baptist transformation from Puritan Calvinist Separatists to Baptists was accomplished by self-baptism. He wrote, "Blunt baptized himself." He bolsters this assertion with an article written by Thomas Killcop in 1642. Killcop was a member of Spilsbury's congregation. However, his assertion may be incorrect due to misinterpretation of Killcop's article.

The article was published as a response to the Independents' criticisms of the Particular Baptists for practicing self-baptism. Killcop's article does not specifically deny that Blunt baptized himself after returning from Holland; however, neither does he admit that Blunt baptized himself. His defense of reinstitution of immersion and believers baptism is based upon a principle that God is able to spontaneously raise up a true witness. He wrote to the Independents, "every scripture which gives you warrant to erect a church state, gives us the same warrant to erect baptism since the one cannot be done without the other, for none can put on Christ (that is visibly by outward profession) but such as are baptized into Christ.

White noted the simplicity of Killcop's argument: "If scripture gave authority for the vital act of the reconstruction of the church it must surely do so for the smaller act of reconstituting the church ordinance of baptism."

Neither did John Spilsbury's response to the controversy deny self-baptism as a method for restoring the primitive ordinance; but, like Killcop, neither does he specifically support self-baptism. He addressed his argument from the attitude of assembled believers authority, noting that when God himself calls together a congregation as an assembled church, uniting them to Christ and each other, they are authorized by Christ to choose a member or members to perform baptisms. Spilsbury wrote; "as occasion offers and authorizes him or them to administer baptism upon the whole body and so upon themselves in the first place as part of the same." He continued a defense of the Particular's origin by asserting, "wheresoever a church doth rise in her true constitution, there are her ordinances and also power to administer the same; and where a thing is wanting there must be of necessity a beginning to reduce that thing again into being."

Torbet does not believe Blunt was baptized in Holland. He makes this assertion based upon the fact that the Dutch Baptists to whom he traveled seeking instruction were Arminian Collegiant, or Rhwynsburg Mennonites. He reasons the Collegiants would not have accepted Blunt as a candidate for baptism because he did not believe their doctrine, being a Calvinist. Conversely, he asserts that Blunt would not have offered himself for baptism at the hands of Arminians. Torbet lists Shakespeare's Baptist and Congregational Pioneers, pages 180-183, Kiffin's original manuscript, and Burrage's Early English Dissenters, Vol II pgs. 302 - 305, as his sources for this information.

While Kiffin's manuscript includes both Blunt and Blacklock in the list of new members in his account of the original baptismal service, his wording is vague. It does not specifically state if members were baptized or otherwise received. However, as this was a reconstitution of their church it is reasonable to assume the list is of those who covenanted together. The inexplicit language of the document, in part, may be due to the fact that Kiffin was not present when the baptismal service occurred. He may have been in prison for preaching without proper authorization.

Spilsbury and Knolly's names are absent from the list; however, it is known they were both identified with the group both before and after the baptismal service. Knollys was in Holland and Germany in self-exile during this period of the new church's history. It is unknown why Spilsbury is not included in the original membership list. A possible explanation is that Kiffin's membership list is actually a list of only those who were baptized that day. Spilsbury is believed to have been previously baptized by Knollys.

The wording of Kiffin's manuscript suggests there may have been some present who did not submit to baptism. Kiffin's statement, "he & Mr. Blacklock Baptized ye rest of their friends that ware so minded," could infer that some were not "so minded" and were not baptized by Blunt or Blacklock. It may be that Spilsbury, like Jessey, had already been baptized by Knollys. As believers baptism and baptism by immersion are clearly stated motives and principles of the formation of the Particular Baptists it seems unlikely they would admit or retain members who were unbaptized. This leads to the probability of other occasions of baptisms.

It cannot be disputed that early Particular Baptists believed in a principle of spontaneous reconstitution of the church. Both Killcop and Spilbury use this tenet as an argument in support of original baptism. In 1646 Hansard Knollys replied to a work written by John Saltmarsh which was critical of the Baptists' requirement of baptism by immersion. Saltmarsh believed baptism was Spiritual only, therefore mode was of no consequence. Knollys' reply reveals belief in a principle of mediation of baptismal authority directly from Christ. He believed that the commission to baptize is received directly from Christ without the necessity of a succession of authority; stating, "one can baptize as warrantably in his name as could any of his disciples."

It may be that Blunt was baptized in Holland, as Crosby so infers. It is certain he and Mr. Blacklock baptized several of their friends upon Mr. Blunt's return from Holland. The possibility of some not being baptized by Blunt or Blacklock is suggested by the writings of Killcop and Spilsbury. Also, Crosby's assertion that some Particulars practiced what he called "last method of restoring baptism." infers some were not baptized in the formal constitution of the church. He claims there was a general acceptance, among early English Baptists, of a practice of unbaptized persons baptizing.

Crosby asserts the early Particular Baptists believed in two methods of instituting a "reformation." He states both were acceptable to the English Baptists "at their revival of immersion in England."

1. The regular baptism method. "The former of these (methods) was, to send over to the foreign Anabaptists, who descended from the antient Waldenses in France or Germany that so one or more receiving baptism from them might become a proper administrator of it to others. Some thought this the best way and acted accordingly, as appears from Mr. Hutchinson's account in the epistle of his treatise of the Covenant of Baptism."

2. The Anti-succession method. "But the greatest number of the English Baptists, and the more judicious, looked upon all this as needless trouble, and what proceeded from the old Popish Doctrine of right to administer the sacraments by an uninterrupted succession, which neither the Church of Rome, nor the Church of England, much less the modern dissenters, could prove to be with them. They affirmed therefore and practiced accordingly, that after a general corruption of Baptism, an unbaptized person might warrantably baptize, and so begin a reformation."

It is interesting that Crosby quotes Spilsbury to support his argument that some early English Baptist practiced the anti-succession method of restoring baptism.

It must be noted that Crosby is very careful to distinguish between self-baptism and "the last method of baptism." He first denies that John Smyth baptized himself; then, discounts the significance of his self-baptism, if it did occur. He wrote, "But enough of this. If he were guilty of what they charge him with 'tis no blemish upon the English Baptists; who neither approved of any such method, not did they receive baptism from him." In his denial he is critical of self-baptism as a valid reinstitution of the ordinance. This seems a bit strange in light of his support of last method baptism. However, if his reference to "an unbaptized person" refers to Hansard Knollys, who baptized Jessey and Spilsbury, it may be that Crosby somehow gave authority to this form of reinstitution of baptism, as part of a spontaneous reformation of the church, but distinguished the "second method" from self-immersion as practiced by Smyth. Perhaps Crosby viewed Knollys, Spilsbury and Kiffen as reformed Baptists who received their baptismal authority as God called ministers of the gospel, upon the merit of restoration of the true mode of baptism.

Despite the reasoning of several historians, since the matter cannot be factually settled, this writer chooses to follow Crosby's lead and assume Blunt was baptized while in Holland and had authority to baptize others; and, that his baptism represents a succession of the ordinance. It seems extremely unlikely he would travel to the Continent only to receive instructions concerning immersion. The phrase in Kiffin's manuscript concerning Blunt's reception in Holland, "who was kindly accepted there," could indicate he was accepted for baptism. Also, denominational lines were not well drawn in that day. It is conceivable the Arminian Collegiant Baptists in Rhwynsburg were willing to baptize Blunt despite his Calvinist sentiments. The theological lineage of this particular congregation of Mennonites is unknown, therefore it cannot be concluded their own origin is outside a line of baptismal succession.

The 1644 and 1646 editions of the London Confession tend to support the notion that some Particulars did not recognize baptismal authority through a ministerial succession by laying on of hands. This is an important point for the Particular Baptists for two reasons. First, if baptismal authority requires a continuous succession by laying on of hands then spontaneous reinstitution of the ordinance cannot be recognized as a valid method of reformation of the church. Second, there is no evidence that Blunt or Blacklock were ordained ministers with a succession back to Christ at the time of the baptismal service.

The 1644 edition of the London Confession, concerning baptismal authority, states "The persons designed by Christ, to dispense this Ordinance, the Scriptures hold forth to be a preaching Disciple, it being no where tied to a particular Church, Officer, or person extraordinarily sent, the Commission enjoining the administration, being given to them under no other consideration, but as considered disciples." In 1646 the meaning of this statement was given more clarity. It shows that a principle of succession of baptismal authority evidently was not supported by the early Particular Baptists. It reads, "The person designed by Christ to dispense Baptism, the Scriptures hold forth to be a Disciple; it being nowhere tied to a particular Church officer, or person extraordinarily sent, the Commission enjoining the administration, being given to them as considered Disciples, being men able to preach the Gospel." Neither article mentions the need for the ordination of the administrator of baptism.

Crosby, nor any subsequent historians, present evidence that Blunt and Blacklock were authorized to baptize others through a succession of laying on of hands from Christ, as ordained ministers. No mention is made concerning Blunt being ordained in Holland. This may account for the position taken in their Confession concerning baptismal authority. At such an early date, it was too soon to impose a principle of baptismal authority. Whatever the reason for omission of this principle from the 1644 Confession, it is also conspicuously absent from the 1689 Confession.

Again, the Particular's belief in a principle of God directly granting baptismal authority may explain the absence of the principle of ministerial succession by the laying on of hands. In reading several accounts of Reformation thinking, the principle of spontaneous baptismal authority is noted. As we have stated, the principle is; God, at any time, may reform his church to its primitive faith and practice. It supports a notion that the church can become so corrupted with error that God will go outside her authority to raise a witness. When this occurs it is presumed the ordinances of the church are reinstated in primitive form, baptism being one of these. Thus, God will call men, giving them divine authority outside the succession of ordination by laying on of hands, to reinstate the ordinances. Reformation defenders use John the Baptist as a scriptural example of this principle. They mistakenly presume John was reforming the visible church from Mosaic law service to Christian dispensation. They note that John was not ordained. Also, they reason his baptisms were valid because he baptized the Savior. From their writings and practice, it appears some Particular Baptists accepted this reasoning.

Extension of the Particular Baptist's belief in a spontaneous reinstitution of Baptism, by direct authority from God rather than ministerial succession, brings into question the whole issue of church succession. If the ordinances of the church are spontaneously re-instituted, logic dictates that the church itself is re-instituted. Reinstitution of the church is reformation. Perhaps this is the reason the Particular Baptists referred to themselves as reformed and Protestants. It may also explain why their writers referred to their church as a denomination.

In every account of the origin of the Particular Baptists there is a common thread of historical detail: Particular Baptist origin is closely associated with the Anglican Calvinism of the Independents and Separatists. As former reformed Anglican Independents and Separatists, their doctrinal culture was Puritan Calvinism.

Several historical accounts examining the Particular Baptists' baptismal link to European Anabaptists have been presented. They question whether the short visit of Mr Blunt to Rhwynsburg included his baptism. Most conclude he was not.

Whether or not Blunt was baptized in Holland, his visit does not substantiate an undeniable claim of church succession for three reasons. First, no claim of succession was made by Particular Baptists at the time of their formation. Second, even if Blunt was baptized in Holland it was into an Arminian fellowship. Third, there is no evidence of an orderly succession of administration of baptism by Blunt and Blacklock because there is no evidence they were authorized to administer baptism to others through the ministerial succession of laying on of hands by a presbytary. However, despite assumptions of irregularities made by several historians, of Blunt and Blacklock's baptismal authority, Blunts trip to Holland is very important because it demonstrates the Particular's interest in baptismal authority. Crosby's description of the first method of restoration of baptismal authority, "to send over to the foreign Anabaptists, who descended from the antient Waldenses in France or Germany that so one or more receiving baptism from them might become a proper administrator of it to others," may be a specific reference to Mr. Blunt's trip to Holland.

Also, all of these difficulties can be surmounted if one assumes a church can, for a time, be in error and yet retain her identity as Christ's church. Scripture undeniably reveals this potentiality. It was certainly the condition with the seven churches of Asia as their cases are described in Revelations. Until the candlestick was removed identity remained. None but God can know with certainty if Blunt's visit to Holland and the subsequent baptisms of Blacklock and his fellow saints represents a succession of the church. Therefore, despite all the unorthodox events which led to the establishment of the Particular Baptists in London, only God may rightly judge whether these brethren constituted themselves as Christ's bride. However, their subsequent history presents a strong case they did and charity demands we consider it so.

Had these brethren searched for a continuous Baptist succession in England, it was to be found in Northern England, near the Welsh border, at ancient Hill Cliffe Baptist Church in Warrington, where Lancaster and Chester Counties meet. It was not necessary for Blunt to travel to Holland to learn about baptism. The earliest baptisms by the pastors of Hill Cliffe were performed in historical antiquity. The constitution of this oldest continuing Baptist Church is unknown, but legible markers in the graveyard date back to 1357 A. D.. Some markers are believed to be older, but centuries of erosion have rendered them illegible. Local tradition asserts this ancient church was always Baptist. In 1800 when the meeting house was rebuilt, the ancient baptistery, carved from stone, was discovered and excavated. It is described as large enough to immerse an adult.

The earliest pastor of record at Hill Cliffe was Elder Weyerburton, of the Cheshire family of Warburtons. The beginning of his pastoral care is unknown, but he remained pastor of Hill Cliffe until his death in 1594. When Mssrs. Kiffin and Spilbury were first learning of the necessity of believers baptism and baptism by immersion, Elder Tillman was pastor at Hill Cliffe. He could have instructed them more perfectly concerning Baptist succession and baptismal authority. Had they known of Elder Tillman and Hill Cliffe Church they could have received baptism from one who claimed his authority through a continuous succession of the church.

Perhaps because of their Separatist origins, the Particular Baptists of London and vicinity suffered from certain doctrinal lapses concerning communion and baptism. Throughout the latter years of the seventeenth century and well into the eighteenth they debated the issues of mixed memberships and open communion. In fact, after careful consideration of the 1644 Confession, a Particular Baptist council ruled that its authors purposely left the question of open communion unanswered. Therefore, they concluded that their intent was to permit open communion.

The positions of Killcop, Spilsbury and Knollys concerning baptismal succession have already been noted. Crosby's History of the English Baptist indicates an attitude of ambiguity existed among some Particular Baptists toward the principle of baptismal succession.

In all, it appears from the statements of early Particular Baptist leaders that baptism by immersion, upon a profession of faith, was the determining feature of church fellowship. Evidently it was their position that baptismal authority need not be through succession from Christ; rather, at any time, God allowed groups to assign this authority to one of their members and thereby institute a new beginning of church identity and authority. Thus, reformation did not require church succession for authority to baptize.

Jonathan Davis, in his book A History of the Welsh Baptists, published in 1835, notes the Particular Baptists were in controversy over the practice of laying on of hands on newly baptized members. Also, W. Gwynn Owen's book reveals the practice of fellowship with the General Baptists led to associational amalgamation between the two bodies of Baptists.

Such practices were in contrast to the early Baptists of Wales in the Midlands, who claimed their succession of Baptist heritage through the mother church in Olchon Valley located on the Wales/England border, which is part of that area of Britain known as the Midlands. Their ancient Baptist heritage included principles of closed membership and communion. They were not reformed, claiming a succession to Christ through the Apostle Paul. Former pastor of Olchon Baptist Church, John Howells, states the ancient Britons of Wales, around Olchon, maintained an unbroken chain of succession from Christ. "The true apostolic succession is to be found here, and here only, in the history of the genuine Baptists. From Paul, downwards, to this day, they have never failed as a visible body of believers, witnessing for the truth as it is in Jesus, and in maintaining the like faith and practice, continuing constant, in season and out of season, in spite of bonds, imprisonments, the fiery stake, the headsman's axe, the hangmans cord, the assassin's sword, the damp, dark, dreary, and undrained dungeon, the racking tortures of the inquisition, the perverted Roman church. There has been all along the blood-tinged ages of martyrdom an uninterrupted preservation of the primitive creed and ritual of the church of the Pentecost, so signally inaugurated in the upper room in Jerusalem. There is no missing link in this celestial chain from age to age of the remnant according to the election of grace. One of those important and super-eminent links in the "Catena" of Orthodox Christian Church history is the ancient church and chapel of Olchon. It goes back behind Luther and the Protestant Reformation. The genuine Baptist Church needed no reformation, for it never deformed or degenerated itself. Its unquenchable and sparkling transparency motto ever has been and still is, the incorruptible Word that liveth and abideth forever."

Jonathan Davis notes the ancient Baptists of Wales did not practice open membership or communion. He cited their relative isolation as the reason for their purity of doctrine and practice. He wrote of the Welsh brethren around Olchon, "We know that at the reformation, in the reign of Charles the first, they had a minister named Howell Vaughan, quite a different sort of a Baptist from Erbury, Wroth, Vavasor Powell and others, who were the great reformers, but had not reformed so far as they ought to have done, in the opinion of the Olchon Baptists. And was not to be wondered at; for they had dissented from the Church of England, and probably brought some of her corruptions with them, but the mountain Baptists were not dissenters from that establishment. We know the reformers were for mixed communion, but the Olchon Baptists received no such practices. In short, these were plain, strict Apostolic Baptists. They would have order and no confusion, the word of God their only rule."

Several historians, cite an ancient presence of Baptists in Wales. In the introduction to Orchard's History, J. R. Graves wrote; "Welsh Baptists contend that the principles of the gospel were maintained pure and unalloyed in the recesses of their mountainous principality all through the dark reign of popery. God had a regular chain of true and faithful witness in this country, in every age, from the first introduction of Christianity."

"In no country have the principles of our faith as Baptists been more generally understood and more bravely defended than in the little principality of Wales. It is commonly believed that all through the dark reign of popery, in the seclusions of her valleys and the fastnesses of her mountains, there were those who preserved the ancient purity of doctrine and worship."

"There is much evidence that the Baptists of England and Wales date back to very early times."

Jonathan Davis places Christianity in Wales prior to the reformation with this colorful description of the Vale of Carleon, which is the location of Olchon. "It is well known to all who are acquainted with the history of Great Britain, that Carleon, in South Wales, was a renowned city in past ages......The vale of Carleon is situated between England and the mountainous part of Wales, just at the foot of the mountains. It is our valley of Piedmont; the mountains of Merthyn Tydryl, our Alps; and the crevices of the rock, the hiding-places of the lambs of the sheep of Christ, where the ordinances of the gospel, to this day, have been administered in their primitive mode, without being adulterated by the corrupt church of Rome. It was no wonder that Penry, Wroth and Erbury, commonly called the first reformers of the Baptist denomination in Wales, should have so many followers at once, when we consider that their field of labors was the vale of Carleon and its vicinity."

Formal records of the origin of Christianity in Wales are lost in antiquity. However, a single legendary account is generally cited by Welsh Baptist historians. The following description of the ancient roots of the Welsh Baptists is taken from History of the Welch Baptists, by Jonathan Davis, written in 1835. "About fifty years before the birth of our Savior, the Romans invaded the British Isles, in the reign of the Welch king Cassebellun; but having failed, in consequence of other and more important wars made peace with them, and dwelt among them many years. During that period many of the Welsh soldiers joined the Roman army, and many families from Wales visited Rome; among them there was a certain woman named Claudia, who was married to a man named Pudence. At the time, Paul was sent a prisoner to Rome, and preached there in his own hired house, for the space of two years, about the year of our Lord 63. Pudence and Claudia his wife, who belonged to Caesar's household, under the blessing of God on Paul's preaching, were brought to the knowledge of the truth as it is in Jesus, and made a profession of their Christian religion. These together with other Welshmen, among the Roman soldiers, who had heard that the Lord was gracious, exerted themselves on behalf of their countrymen in Wales, who were at that time idolaters." Davis continues, "How rapidly did the mighty gospel of Christ fly abroad! The very year 63, when Paul, a prisoner, was preaching to a few individuals, in his own hired house in Rome, the seed sowed there is growing in the Isle of Britain."

The Apostle Paul concludes his second epistle to Timothy with greetings from some of the saints gathered with him in Rome. Among those mentioned are Pudence and Claudia. Paul's mention of these Welsh Christians casts some doubt as to their being in Wales in 63 A. D. since it is believed Paul wrote II Timothy in 66 A.D.. However, the identities of Pudence and Claudia are well documented. Claudia was the daughter of Welsh King Caratacus. Pudence was Claudia's husband. Armitage believed he was a Roman Senator.

Seventeenth century historian Edward Stillingfleet, in Orgines Britannice: or, the Antiquities of the British Churches, provides specific details of the identity of Pudens and Claudia and their involvement with Christianity in first century Rome and Britain. Quoting Moncaeius de Incunah he wrote, "That Claudia, mentioned by St. Paul, was Caractacus' daughter, and turned Christian, and after married to Pudens, a Roman senator; whose marriage is celebrated by Martial in his noted epigrams to that purpose." Stillingfleet continued his assessment of Claudia's role in the spread of Christianity to Britain quoting from Antiquities Britannicae; "That in so noble a family, the rest of her kindred who were baptised with her might be the occasion of dispersing Chritianity in the British nation."

T. Rees, in his History of Non-conformity in Wales, states that Bran Fendigaid (Bruno the blessed), a Prince of Wales, was a Christian, who, along with other Christians, returned from Rome to Wales around 60 A. D.. According to Rees, they brought with them ministers of the gospel, who introduced Christianity to Wales, establishing a link of succession from Christ.

William Cathcart, in his book The Ancient British and Irish Churches, also claims an ancient beginning for Christianity in the British Isles. He quotes the work of second century historian Tertullian to substantiate his assertion. "In whom other than Christ, who has already come, do all the nations believe? For in him have believed the most diverse people; Pathians, Medes, Elamites; those who inhabit Mesopotamia, Armenia, Phrygia, Cappadocia; the dwellers of Pontus, Asia and Pamphylia; those occupying Egypt, and inhabiting the region of Africa beyond Cyrene, Romans and natives, even Jews dwelling in Jerusalem, and other nations; nay, the different tribes of the Getulians, and many territories of the Moors, all parts of Spain, the different peoples of Gaul, and part of BRITAIN not reached by the Romans but subjugated by Christ. In all these the name of Christ who has already come, reigns."

In 180 A. D. Faganus and Damicanus, who in Davis' words "were born in Wales but born again in Rome, and there became eminent ministers of the gospel," returned to Wales to assist their brethren. In citing their successes Davis wrote. "Though the gospel had been preached in the island since the year 63; yet, as God had not departed from his general way of disseminating his truth among the children of men, by beginning with small things in order to obtain great things, hitherto it had been the day of small things with our forefathers, the inhabitants of the ends of the earth. But now Zion's tent stretched forth; she broke forth on the right hand and on the left."

About 285 A. D. the Welsh Baptists suffered their first large scale persecutions. As Satan had been negligent of his usual policy of immediate persecutions against those newly turned to the Savior, he assaulted this small band of isolated Christians with intense hatred and destruction. During the reign of Roman Emperor Dioclesian, in the tenth persecution, the first martyrdoms on Welsh soil occurred. The elimination of Christianity in Wales was ordered.

Alban was the first Briton to fall in death for Christ. He was executed for providing shelter to a Christian bishop. Next to Alban were two of Christ's bishops, Aaron and Julius, who lived at Carleon, South Wales. With their deaths the reign of terror expanded. A command went out that every Christian be slain. Orders were given to burn all their meeting houses and writings. But persecution did not stop the spread of Christianity, for as quickly as one saint fell another stepped forward to carry forward the blood stained banner of King Immanuel.

The first Christian emperor was a Welshman. Though of Roman descent, Constantine was also Welsh. His mother was Helena the daughter of Coelgodebog Earl of Glouchester, his father Constantius, the Roman ruler of Britain. As a youth, Constantine resided in Wales, where his mother instructed him in the ways of Christ. Concerning Helena's dedication to Christ, Cathcart rote, "She was a devoted Christian, and there is some reason for supposing that she exerted and influence over both her husband and son in favor of christians, which prompted them to the toleration of their opinions." Thus, it was by a Welshman that Christianity drew the attention of all the world. However, it is a saying with English historians, and here it very accurately applies; when princes engage in religion they either do to much for it or too much against it.

Not all Welsh Christians were orthodox. The father of perhaps the greatest perversion of the doctrines of Christ was a Welshman. His Welsh name was Morgan. He is the father of free willism. Davis notes, "the Welshmen, for a considerable time, had a sort of a religious quarrel with one of their countrymen, of the name of Morgan, known abroad as Pelagius."

Davis quotes historical records which note the massacre of more than 1200 Welsh Baptists around 600 A.D. by Saxons under command of the papist monk, Austin. Because of previous successes among the pagan Saxons of England Austin ventured into Wales to spread Roman Catholicism. He requested a meeting with the leaders of the Baptists. Being agreeable to meet and discuss matters of religion, the Welsh brethren sent some twelve-hundred of their preachers and delegates to meet with Austin near Hereford, on the English border, near the cleft of Black Mountain, in a valley called Olchon. Once they assembled the papist asserted that baptism was the means of salvation, and insisted the Welsh brethren surrender their children and infants to Catholic baptism. To this the Elders utterly refused, at which point Austin ordered the Saxons, who had accompanied him to Wales, to attack the unarmed Baptists. In one day, at the hands of one Catholic monk and four-hundred Saxon malefactors, some twelve-hundred of God's humble servants fell in defence of Christ's cause.

Elder Joshua Thomas' book The American Baptist Heritage in Wales details the existence of an ancient Christian enclave at Olchon, in Wales, near the Midlands of England. He notes the presence of a gathered congregation is documented back to the sixth century. Welsh historian John Howells cites historical accounts of Baptist activity in the Valley of Olchon back to the first century.

Olchon church was located in the vale of Black Mountain on the border of Hereford, Monmouth and Brecknock counties on the Welsh/English border. It's location is significant in that civil jurisdiction did not extend beyond county or parish lines. Therefore, when one county persecuted the church the congregation simply moved their worship services to the adjacent county. The Black Mountains area is described by Thomas as rugged and remote, similar to the area surrounding the Piedmont Valley. He ascribes God's providence for the geographic location of the church in contributing to her longevity and purity doctrine.

The following description of the location of Olchon Church is taken from A Brief History of the Old Baptist Church at Olchon, written by John Howells. "Olchon is on the Welsh border. It is situated in the County of Hereford. The ruins of the oldest Chapel belonging to the Primitive Baptists stand on the banks of the swift flowing stream from which the narrow and romantic Valley of the Olchon takes it's name. There is another old Baptist chapel in a state of rapid decay at Ilston, in the peninsula of Gower, in the County of Glamorgan. But the Mother Church doubtless was this one at the Gellis, the old historians called it, from the woods that fringe the steep hill-sides between here and the picturesque little town familiarly known as the Welsh Hay. Near to the old ruin in the which now more than three hundred years ago our Baptist forefathers worshipped, on the hill above it, to the westward is Capel-y-fin or the boundary Chapel, so named because of the junction at this singular place of the three Counties of Brecknock, Monmouth, and Hereford."

Howells contiues his eyewitness narrative with a description of the ruins of the ancient Olchon Baptist meeting house. "Olchon is nearly midway between Abergavenny and Hay. It is situated in a narrow glen at the foot of Black Hill on one side, and the Black Mountains on the other side. It is near to the Western Bank of the Olchon rivulet. The new chapel has been built on the eastern side of this impetuous stream, on an elevated spot not far from where stands the ancient sacred and venerable remains of the medieval hollowed edifice. Here pure and undefiled religion was preserved in its primitive priority, and here the apostolic and pentecostal faith was enshrined in uncorrupted and unalloyed simplicity, and handed down to us in virgin simplicity and unpolluted integrity, when nearly the whole of Christendom besides was enshrouded in Popish perversity and anti-christian thraldom. Here was Olchon preserved intact and untampered with the divine ark of the new Covenant of Grace."

Olchon is believed to be the location of the oldest church in Wales. Her congregation of shepherds, farmers, merchants and occasional nobility moved their meeting place frequently, often worshipping at night to avoid discovery. As she was an ancient church, and do to constant fear of persecution, records of her organization do not exist until about 1600.

Elder Thomas states that Dr. Thomas Bradwardine was born in the county of Hereford, near Olchon. He believed that the famous theologian, mathmetician and Philosopher sometimes attended services there, though his visits were infrequent because because of the press of his busy life.

Thomas also states that Wycliffe, who translated the Bible into the English language, lived near Olchon in 1371. He also lists Walter Brute as an early preacher in this ancient church. He gives the following account of how Brute came to Olchon. "Now to me it appears very probable Wycliffe received much of his light in the Gospel from Bradwardine and his writings, and Brute from Wycliffe and others; and he began to sow the seed of reformation in and about Olchon, and of Believers Baptism, among other doctrines; and that long before the beginning of the Reformation began by Luther, King Richard II directed a letter to the nobility and gentlemen of the county of Hereford, and to the Mayor of the city, charging all to persecute Brute, accused of preaching heresy, in the diocese and places adjacent; and also of keeping conventicles." (Conventicles were unauthorized religious meetings).

Along with these notable men Elder Thomas includes Tyndale. He notes that Tyndale lived in the area, and as a non-conformist, possessed strong Baptist sentiments, though he probably did not attend services frequently. It was Elder Thomas' opinion, shared by other Welsh historians, that the ancient Baptists of Olchon influenced Tyndale's religious beliefs. He notes the Tyndale family name was associated with the Baptists around Olchon.

Elder Thomas presents Olchon not only as the location of the mother church in Wales, but as the virtuous bride of Christ who welcomed all struggling pilgrims who happened her way. He believed Walter Reynard (Walter Lollard) was given refuge there. While it cannot be proven Lollard actually went to Olchon, it is known that the European Anabaptist went to Wales. Elder Thomas notes that Lollard was aware of the existence of Olchon before arriving in Wales. Upon returning to Europe, Lollard was captured and burned alive, in Cologne, in 1322.

Crosby records Lollard residing in Britain for some period of time. "In the time of Edward II, about the year 1315 Walter Lollard, a German Baptist preacher, a man of great renown among the Waldenses, came into England; he spread their doctrines very much in these parts, so that afterwards they went by the name Lollards."

Lollard's appearance in Wales cannot be interpreted as the point of introduction of Baptist sentiment to English soil. There were too many previous sightings. An accurate characterization of his sojourn in the Vale of Olchon is fellowship. Lollard accepted refuge from, and worshipped with, his Welsh Baptist brethren. His presence, and acceptance in Wales solidifies the view that the Anabaptists of the European Continent and the Isle of Britain share a common origin. It was not Polycarp, or even Paul or John. It was the upper room in Jerusalem. Their common link and basis for church fellowship was the Savior, Jesus Christ.

There is agreement among Davis, Thomas, Howells and Fox that martyred Sir John Oldcastle, Lord of Cobhan, had a country home named Olchon Court, to which he fled in 1391 when he first learned of a plot against him. He was accused of "Lollardism" in 1393 and ordered to be arrested and transported to London. It is probable that Lord Oldcastle was an Old Baptist Minister. Davis notes the Baptists sometimes met in the chapel at Olchon Court where Oldcastle preached.

John Howells provides this account of Sir John's Baptist activity. "Not far from the gradually crumbling and rapidly decaying sanctuary stands another renowned and remarkable ruin, namely, the Herfordshire County Seat of Sir John Oldcastle, styled also as Lord Cobhan. Sir John Oldcastle in all probability was baptised in the rivulet that rushes contiguously by the aforesaid rustic, secluded, and verable old Chapel, in which afterwards he would be admitted by the Holy Elders and pious brethren into the Christian fellowship of the only true and scripturally constituted Apostalical Church." In his book, John Wycliff and his English Precursors, Professor Lechler writes; "Sir John Oldcastle, 'the good Lord Cobham,' as he was affectionately termed by the poor and simple, was a firm adherent of the Lollards, whose preachers he welcomed to his seat at Cowling Castle, in Kent, and refused to surrender to the command of the authorities."

Because of their friendship since childhood, while Henry IV was alive Lord Cobhan was not actively pursued despite his Baptist sentiments. However, with the ascension of Henry V to the throne, Sir John's standing with the crown changed for the worst. He was vigorously pursecuted because of his religious views. Howells notes; "His espousal to the tenets and practices of the Lollards, somewhat estranged him from the favour and affection of the Kingly court of St. James, and Windsor Castle. Arundel, the Archbishop of Canterbury, aided and abetted by the other Popist Prelates, hunted his life to destroy it. They poisoned the mind and envenomed the heart of the young episcopally subservient Monarch against him."

In 1411 John Oldcastle was arrested and held in the Tower of London. During this period, a group of Baptists, called Lollards, gathered in the town of St Giles's Fields to offer their support for Sir John. King Henry, convinced by Archbishop Chichely that an uprising was about to occur, sent soldiers to apprehend the gathered Baptists. Thirty-nine were captured. He ordered all thirty-nine to be burned or hanged.

About the same time, Sir John escaped from London Tower and returned to Wales. A reward of one-thousand marks was set for his arrest. He evaded capture for several years while Richard was distracted with war in France. Finally, in 1417 he was apprehended at Olchon Court, carried to London, and ordered to be hanged as a traitor and burned as a heretic.

His sentence was carried out literally. Professor Lechler provides a detailed narrative of his execution. "He was placed upon a sledge and dragged through the town of St. Giles Fields. On arriving there he was taken down from the sledge, and immediately falling on his knees, he began to pray to God for the forgiveness of his enemies. His prayer ended, he rose, and, addressing the assembled multitude, warned them to obey God's commands written down in the Bible, and always to shun such teaching as they saw to be contrary to the life and example of Christ. He was then suspended between two gallows by chains, and the funeral pile was kindled beneath him, so that he was slowly burned. So long as life remained in him he continued to praise God and commend his soul to His divine keeping."

Lechler describes those to whom Sir John Oldcastle preached as, "earnest, obscure men, mostly poor, often illiterate, who yet prized the teaching of Holy Scripture, silently testifying against the corruptions of the professed Church of Christ, and so preparing the mind and heart of the people to welcome the Reformation of the sixteenth century."

An explanation should be noted as to why there are no church records for Olchon Church prior to about 1600. Elder Joshua Thomas states that at one point in his search for records he was sent to an ancient home in Hay, near the church. It had belonged to a Mr. John Rys Howell, who was occasional assistant to the minister. Mr. Howell had sailed to America but returned to Wales in his last days, where he died in 1692. Elder Thomas was instructed that Mr. Howell possessed an ancient trunk filled with manuscripts and records. He received this information about 1770. In 1775 he located the house and trunk just as described, but was too late. The trunk was full of decaying scraps of paper. Every document Mr. Howell had so carefully placed for safe keeping was destroyed by age.

Though it cannot be proven conclusively, Elder Thomas presents a good case, suggesting that John Perry was from around Olchon and probably preached there. Although there is some discussion among historians regarding Mr. Perry's identity as a Baptist, Elder Thomas cites A. Wood, a contemporary of Perry, who in Ath. Oxom plainly stated Mr. Perry "was a notorious Anabaptist, of which party he was the Coryphous (or leader)." This is supported by the writings of another of Perry's antagonists, a Mr. Strype, who charged him with practicing anabaptism. So it would seem evident by the accusations of two contemporaries of Perry that he was an Anabaptist and probably a preacher for the Baptists. It is asserted by Thomas that he lived near the vale of Olchon. He was executed for his dissenting activities in 1593 at age 34.

We have previously noted Elder Howell Vaughn as pastor of Olchon. He is the first pastor of record, though certainly not the first of memory. His earliest appearance as pastor at Olchon is set around 1633. It is known he was already Pastor of this body when Erbury and Vavassor Powell dissented from the established church and came to the Baptists. The following excerpt provides a brief sketch of Elder Vaughn. "Howell Vaughn commenced preaching we know not, neither can we find when or where he was ordained. But however, we find him the pastor of the church at the time of the reformation. He was not a learned man, like Erbury, Wroth, and Powell, as he never had a college education; but he was a plain, conscientious, and godly man, remarkably well versed in scripture. He was a very good preacher, well calculated to feed the church of God with knowledge and understanding. The church under his pastoral care, though small at first, in short time increased most wonderfully."

Davis lists two men as the Elders at Olchon from 1660 to 1688. They are Thomas Perry and John Rees Howell. The men served together, with Elder Perry serving from 1641 until his death in 1709, and Elder Howell co-pastoring from 1645 to 1699 when he died. This was a terrible time of persecution for the old mother church of Wales. Her congregation was frequently forced to flee for refuge to Black Mountain. Davis describes their sundry meeting places during this dark age of Baptist persecution. "But for twenty-eight years, in the reign of Charles the second, the church had to meet in the most secret places by night, somewhere in the woods, or on the Black Mountain, or the rough rock. They were obliged to change the place every week, that their enemies might not find them out. Often the friends of the infernal foe diligently sought them, but found them not. While the wolves were searching in one mountain the lambs were sheltering in the rock of another." Davis continues the narrative with a description of Black Rock. "The safest place they ever found, was in the woods, under a large rock, called Darren Ddu, or the Black Rock. It is a most dreadful steep, and the roughest place we have ever seen. Thus, the Primitive Baptists of Olchon found their, cleft of the rock, where often they fled for refuge." (That we latter day primitives might diligently seek God, as our cleft of the rock, and flee to him for refuge from Satan's subtle though equally destructive assaults).

Olchon was a member of the Abergavenny Association, constituted in 1653. A sad note in the history of this old association was introduction of a practice of "laying on of hands" on newly baptized members. According to Davis, this practice first came to the Welsh Baptists in 1654. It was brought from Glazier's Hall Church in London by Messrs. Ryder and Hopkins. Davis notes that in 1654 this practice occurred in Wales "for the first time since the introduction of Christianity into the Isle of Britain." In the mid seventeenth century "Laying on of hands" on newly baptized members became a practice in several churches due to incorrect interpretation and application of Acts 19:6. It was practiced in either of two ways. In some cases, after a person was baptized, the administrator would lay his hand upon the individual and pray they receive the Holy Ghost. Another practice was for the entire congregation to pass by the newly baptized person and lay their hands on him. Both modes of this unorthodox custom were practiced in America, beginning in Newport, Rhode Island. However, though the practice resulted in some intrachurch divisions, apparently, it was not a test of interchurch fellowships. Beginning in the mid 18th century it was gradually eliminated from American primitive Baptist practice.

A line of fellowship between Olchon and the Midland Church at Leonminster will give us an understanding of the doctrinal sentiments of the ancient Welsh church, based upon the Loenminster's membership in the Midland Association. Fellowship is acceptable proof of common theology since it is documented that Olchon Church was very strict in matters of faith and practice.

Elder Joshua Thomas served Olchon Church from 1746 to 1754. In 1754 he left Olchon, accepting the pastoral care of neighboring Leonminster Church. Leonminster Church joined the Midland Association in 1658. Elder Thomas' ministry at both churches and membership in the Midland Association together with his continued frequent visitations to Olchon Church testify to the fact that Olchon held general agreement to the doctrinal principles of the Midland Confession of Faith. Therefore, it may be concluded that the content of the 1655 Midland Confession satisfied the strict creed of faith and order to which the Olchon Church continuously held from her ancient origin to the establishment of fellowship with the brethren of Midland Association in 1658 and beyond. But the link of Baptist succession between the Welsh Baptists at Olchon and the Midland Association in even more distinguishable.

Several churches of the Midland Association, including Hereford, Tewksbury, Moreton and Leonminster shared common origin with Olchon and, perhaps, considered her their mother church. Hereford, in particular, is located very near Welsh Hay (within a few miles) and was one of the meeting places of Olchon Church. She eventually became an arm of Olchon and finally a sister church. For unknown reasons, in 1657 Hereford transferred her membership from the Abergavenny Association, where she shared affiliation with Olchon, to the Midland Association. However, it should not be considered that some tension existed; neither association gives any indication of a problem.

Though the old records are destroyed, it is a reasonable conclusion that Leominster was a daughter or grand-daughter church of Ancient Olchon, as it was customary for a single church to extend arms into nearby locals where members lived. Both Davis and Thomas indicate the spread of members of Olchon extended north beyond Hay and, therefore, probably to nearby Leonminster.

Also, Tewksbury Church, a charter member of the Midland Association, is but a few miles to the east of Black Mountain and very near Llanigon, which was an arm, then sister church, of Olchon. In addition, it is probable that Alcester, Warwick, Derby and Burton churches, all members of the Midland Association, were daughters or grand-daughters of Olchon. Thus. through the mother church at Olchon, the Welsh and Midland Baptists claim a common ancient Baptist origin which predates the European reformation by some fifteen hundred years.

The seven original churches of the Midland Association were Warwick, Derby, Burton (sometimes called Burton by the Water), Moreton, Tewksbury, Hooknorton and Alcester. It is not known which of these seven churches is the oldest. However, it is known that a Baptist congregation was meeting in Burton prior to 1612, for their preacher was burned at the stake that year.

In 1612, the year John Helwys returned from Holland to London with his new General Baptist group, Elder Edward Wightman of Burton was arrested as a repeat offender, for preaching "Anabaptist heresies." He was taken to nearby Lichfield where his case was heard. He was convicted of Anabaptist heresy and, being the leader of Anabaptist dissenters, was executed by burning at the stake. In charging Wightman, the authorities displayed the normal pattern of exaggeration and falsehood. As previously with Sir John Oldcastle, Elder Wightman was accused of everything from claiming he was Christ, to sedition. Among the charges, he was accused of Anabaptist activities. This is an important point and probably the sole reason he was arrested and executed. Anabaptist activity was a very specific charge. It meant he was teaching people of the necessity of believers baptism and baptism by immersion, and evidently baptizing.

The seven Midland Churches met together on March 3, 1655 at Warwick for the purpose of writing Articles of Faith. The document was copied and carried by the respective messengers back to their home churches for approval. With all seven churches approving, they met again on April 26, 1655 at Moreton and convened as an association. Their first item of business was to write a constitution. In their constitution they formally agreed to their new Articles of Faith, declaring it their duty "to hold communion with each other, according to the rule of His word; and so to be helpful each to the other." Next, they wrote a covenant in which they agreed to hold to the principle of closed communion. They noted that each church would remain independent in matters of church discipline. They agreed to support each other by sending "gifted brethren" to preach to sister churches of the association. They agreed to "watch over each other, and considering each other for good, in respect of purity of doctrine, exercise of love, and good conversation, being all members of the same body of Christ." From this statement it may be concluded the Midland Churches agreed to form an association based upon principles of common doctrine, Christian charity and godly living. Thus, common faith and practice and unfeigned love were the basis of their fellowship.

The next meeting of the association was at Warwick where queries were answered. The questions answered concerned marriage, members who refused to pray when called upon, and unlicensed preaching. To the latter they answered, "we judge it unlawful for any church member to go forth to preach in the world without the approbation of the church." This response indicates the associations orderliness of ordaining Elders in response to their divine call. They would not tolerate unauthorized preachers going forth from them and presumably did not tolerate the same coming to them. One significant trait of the Midland churches, as with their nearby Welsh sisters, was their independence from the London churches during the seventeenth century. As we have noted, they opposed an open communion, which was sometimes practiced in the London churches. Further, it appears from Davis' statements concerning the practice of open communion that the ordinances of the church are where these brethren drew the line of fellowship. According to Davis, Powell, Wroth, Erbury and Penry were all allowed to preach in the Welsh churches; however, it appears they were not allowed to commune. The statement of the Midland Association Constitution regarding closed communion may be similarly interpreted.

However, the most significant indicator of the Midland Association's independence and theological distinction from the London Particular Baptists is their Confession of Faith. While the 1644 London Confession is termed mildly Calvinistic by Lumpkin, the Midland brethren penned a confession which closely resembles eighteenth, nineteenth and twentieth century Primitive Baptist Confessions.

Article eight of the Midland Confession plainly marks a divergent theology from the tenets of Calvinism. However, according to Lumpkin and Tull, it was actually a response to the growing number of free will Arminian Baptist churches appearing in the mid-seventeenth century. The Midlands, in particular, experienced a considerable increase in Baptist churches which professed the tenets of semi-pelagian Arminianism. However, the wording of the article also contradicts Calvin's modified pelagian theories of divine impartation of a saving faith before regeneration. It reads:

8. That all men until they are quickened by Christ are dead in trespasses; and therefore have no power of themselves to believe savingly. But faith is a free gift of God, and the mighty work of God in the soul, even like the rising of Christ from the dead. Therefore (we) consent not with those who hold that God hath given power to all men to believe to salvation.

By stating that man is dead and has no power to believe savingly of himself, they removed precursor faith as an instrument of justification prior to actual regeneration. Their order is new birth, belief. They indicated that men who are dead in trespasses and sin cannot believe until they are quickened. This principle eliminates requisite gospel agency in regeneration. Calvinism teaches belief is in reaction to a concerted medium of the Holy Ghost and the gospel; whereby one believes and is justified, and after being justified is born again. This distinction separates primitive faith from Calvinism.

With inclusion of article eight in their Confession of faith, the Midland brethren denied the Arminian tenet of free-willism. However, it is both ironic and significant; it also distinguished the theology of the Midland Churches from all who subscribed to a theology of saving faith through the concerted agency of the Holy Ghost and the gospel. They rejected the theory of saving faith in response to Arminian teachings; but, in so doing, they also rejected the Calvinistic notions of gospel instrumentality in regeneration. Their statement regarding the relationship of regeneration and faith is an acceptable representation of what orthodox twentieth century Primitive Baptists believe.

An interesting aside to the writing of the Midland Confession of faith is the involvement of Benjamin Cox who was Pastor of Abington Church in London. As already mentioned, he attended the 1646 ministerial conference of the London Confession where, not fully satisfied with the language of the 1644 Confession, he presented a twenty-two point appendix to the 1646 edition. At the request of Warwick Church Cox attended the first session of the Midland Association as a corresponding messenger from Abington Church. It may be supposed this request was the result of his authorship of the proposed appendix. It may also explain the markedly polemic tenor of the Midland Confession. It is reasonable to believe, as an invited representative to the Midland Association, Elder Cox's views were given significant consideration.

We have already presented his statement concerning regeneration. His views concerning communion are also significant. They are in line with the practice of the Midland and Welsh brethren and apparently more conservative than the sentiments of some of his London brethren. Addendum Twenty notes a requirement for closed communion. In part Elder Cox wrote:"yet in as much as all things ought to be done decently, but also in order, and the Word holds forth this order, that disciples should be baptized, and then be taught to observe all things (that is to say, all other things) that Christ commanded the Apostles, and accordingly the Apostles first baptized disciples, and then admitted them to the supper."

Lumpkin asserts the Midland Confession is modeled after the 1644 London Confession. He believes Daniel King's friendship with the Particular Baptists in London establishes an argument for his assertion. Further, he notes certain similarities. However, none of these claims explain the differences between the two documents, which will be discussed in greater detail in Part Three of this work. With Elders King and Cox present, both having access to the London Confession, if the Midland Brethren had fully endorsed the London document, it seems reasonable they would have adopted it, in some form, as their confession. They did not. Lumpkin's conclusion, that the Midland Confession is modeled after the 1644 London Confession, is probably the result of his lack of familiarity with primitive Baptist doctrine. It is probable he mistakenly presumed these primitive Baptists were Calvinists. His error is understandable assuming he was not versed in the doctrinal distinctions of the two theologies.

The Midland Baptists have been variously characterized by Underhill, Tull, Gwynn Owen and perhaps other Baptist historians as hyper-Calvinists. This term implies they went farther with the doctrine of regeneration than did Calvin. Specifically, the distinction between Calvinism and High-Calvinism relates to the instrumentality of the gospel in regeneration. It is a name that is routinely applied to modern Primitive Baptists.

The English Baptist historian A. C. Underwood identified Midlands England as a stronghold of hyper-Calvinism. He identified John Gill as a proponent of this theology. Further, he stated in his History of the English Baptists that it was principally through the influence of Andrew Fuller and William Carey that the "winter of hypercalvinism" finally came to an end for the Midland Baptists.

In A Memorial of the 250th Anniversary of the Midland, now the West Midland Association 1655 to 1905, J. Gwynn Owen notes opposition in the 1770s and 80s by certain older ministers of the association to the promotion of manmade institutions such as Sunday Schools and Missionary Societies. These innovations were introduced to the Midlands by Elders Fuller and Carey who were members of the Association. In explaining their opposition to Fuller and Carey's ideas, Owen wrote of the older ministers, "These revered seniors were more or less bound by the doctrines of a higher Calvinism than now influences theology."

An example of the intensity of disturbance the proposed schemes caused is found in an exchange between William Carey and the senior Elder John Ryland (who ordained Carey) during a ministerial conference held at Northhampton. Carey suggested, as a topic for discussion, the need for missionary efforts to deliver the gospel to save heathens in foreign countries. To this Elder Ryland, who was chairing the conference, responded, "Young man, sit down; when God pleases to convert the heathen, He will do so without your help or mine." Elder Ryland's statement indicates his position concerning gospel instrumentality. Though he only included himself and Carey, his dismissal of Carey's topic for discussion may be interpreted as theological disagreement over the issue of Calvin's doctrine of gospel instrumentality in the regeneration of sinners. He evidently did not believe that hearing the gospel was a requirement for regeneration, or a stipulation of election.

Indicating enthusiastic support for gospel instrumentality together with its trappings of Sunday schools and Missionary societies, Owen is generally unsympathetic toward the doctrines held by Elder Ryland and the other "revered seniors" among the ministry of the Midland Association. By the time Owen wrote his memorial work the Midland Association had progressed from primitive to Calvinist to Arminian in theology. Therefore, Owen deserves commendation for resisting temptations to write a revisionist history which would not accurately present the original doctrine of the Midland Association and the strain which introduction of gospel agency caused.

Owen erroneously labels the beliefs of the original Elders of the Midland as High Calvinism. However, he accurately presents their doctrinal position concerning the relationship of gospel agency and new birth with the following statement. "For the logical High-Calvinist could find no scope in his rigorous creed for the operation of any human agency in winning the unconverted to the Gospel of Jesus Christ. God saves all who are predestinated, and no man can help or hinder His sovereign and effectual grace."

Owen's assessment of the original beliefs of the founders of the Midland Association suggests they were primitives, not high Calvinists. Further, his statement concerning the younger generation of preachers implies that gospel instrumentality in regeneration was newly introduced and represented a doctrinal departure from the original beliefs of the Midland brethren."The younger generation of ministers, like Fuller of Kettering; Carey of Moulton; Sutcliffe of Olney and the younger Ryland, being more open to conviction, and less wedded to the old, rigid creed, began to advocate a modification of the old views, and to adopt as the basis of their ministry a moderate Calvinism which permitted them to appeal to the unconverted."

Thus, with the passing of such stalwarts as Elder John Ryland the next generation of ministers pursued new theologies, leading their brethren away from true and historic doctrines of grace which had been held by the Baptists of Wales and the Midlands for almost 1700 years.

In the late 1780's the younger generation of preachers, Led by the younger Ryland, initiated efforts to have the 1655 confession removed from the heading of Midland Association circular letters. Eventually they were successful. By the early 1800s the excesses and errors of Calvinism, introduced through the single false doctrine of gospel instrumentality in regeneration, served to establish Sunday schools and missionary societies in the churches. This once doctrinally pure group of churches, with roots of ancient origin, finally amalgamated with Arminian General Baptist churches in 1851 as the West Midland Association. Thus, the error of Calvin's gospel instrumentality theory finally led them into Arminianism.

The account of the Churches of the Midland Association was repeated many times among the primitive churches of England and Wales. By the late eighteenth century most were fully merged and identified with Calvinist Particular Baptists. Despite this phenomenon the distinct identity of faith and practice of the primitives was not lost. Before they were completely integrated with the Particulars, some of their numbers migrated to America.

James E. Tull, in his book Shapers of Baptist Thought, notes that departure from what he misterms hyper-Calvinism began in the Midlands as early as 1770. He further notes that Andrew Fuller's first pastorate was a church which originally held to hyper-Calvinist (his term) beliefs. He lists John Owens, the Wesleys and Dan Taylor as principle influences of Fuller's theological sentiments. None of these men were ever Baptists.

Tull presents a moderately detailed, though prejudicial, description of the theology of the Midland Baptists. His description of circa 1770 Midland Association doctrine resembles present day Primitive Baptist doctrine. He begins, "The enervating effect of hyper-Calvinism stemmed from a rigid view of the doctrine of election. This view held that God had decreed before the world began who would be saved and who would be lost. Therefore, it was conceived to be both useless and highly presumptuous to invite men to repent and believe."

Speaking of the duty of reprobates according hyper-Calvinist theology, so called, Tull continued: "It was not, therefore, their duty to repent, to have faith, to pray.....It was not their duty, because these were gifts of divine grace, not human attainments. Closely related to the belief that faith was not a duty was the belief that a warrant was necessary to believe. A warrant was an evidence or a sign of a work of divine favor in the soul. Conviction of sin, with its accompanying mental distress, was such a sign or warrant. Such a warrant and the faith which followed were implanted in the heart at the initiative of divine grace, and they could not be initiated by the sinner."

Further analysis of Tull's opinions of hyper-Calvinism reveals the Midland brethren believed in justification by declared righteousness and imputation to Christ, in the atonement, of the sins of the elect.

Tull's conclusions must be read with a jaundiced eye. His Arminian prejudices shout from the pages. However, despite his derogatory, often erroneous and mostly overstated conclusions, he did manage to state correctly a few salient points of the doctrines of grace which serve to reveal similarities between Midland and Primitive Baptist doctrine.

Henry Veddar, writing of the mission/anti-mission divisions used the phrase hyper-Calvinism to describe a group who terminated fellowship with the Regular Baptists. His brief editorial describes and identifies these hyper-Calvinists. "There were also a number of Calvinistic Baptists bodies that for one reason or another, decline fellowship with the Regular Baptists. A considerable number of Baptists in the early part of this century separated from the other churches on account of doctrinal and practical differences. Holding to hyper-Calvinistic theology, they were opposed to missions, Sunday schools, and all contrivances which seem to make the salvation of man depend on human effort. They call themselves Primitive Baptists, and have been known as Anti-Mission, Anti-Effort, Old, and Hardshell Baptists."

The terms hyper-Calvinist and high-Calvinism as used by Veddar, Underhill, Tull, Owen and others are misnomers which continue to be applied to Primitive Baptists today. However, primitive faith is not hyper-Calvinist nor is its doctrine accurately described as high-Calvinism. Primitive faith does not move beyond Calvin because primitive Baptists never embraced Calvin's theology. The doctrine of primitive faith is not an extension, expansion nor elevation of Calvin's doctrine. Primitives were never Calvinists nor was their doctrine ever Calvinistic.

The American succession of faith and practice of the Primitive Baptists can be traced through Shubal Stearns and the Separate Baptists. The Separate Baptists received their name as an indirect result of the Great Awakening, which had its beginnings in New England around 1734. Its evangelical appeal was the result of years of religious decline, which was the outcome of the Established Congregationalist Church. Because all citizens were compelled to join at birth, and many could not claim an experience of grace, by 1720 the Congregationalists claimed a large class of what they termed "inferior" members. These members possessed limited rights and privileges of church membership. However, various schemes were launched in attempts to revive the ailing denomination, by vitalizing the membership of inferior members. First they were allowed into communion. Next, they were allowed to hold certain church offices. Finally, it was agreed that "inferior" members, those who made no claim as to an experience of grace, could be ordained to the clergy. None of the Congregationalists schemes were successful. They continued to suffer from lax discipline and defections. In 1734 Jonathan Edwards was blest to participate in a short revival in religion. His relentless preaching stirred some enthusiasm which resulted in short lived religious renewal among the Congregationalists in Massachusetts and Connecticut. However, one positive outcome of Edward's zeal and the slight renewal of interest in religion was the arrival of George Whitfield in America in 1740.

From the moment the world famous Whitfield landed on American soil, at Newport, in September 1740, huge crowds gathered to hear him preach. The effect was electrifying. Whitfield recorded in his journal, "many wept exceedingly, and cried out under the Word, like persons that were hungering and thirsting for righteousness." Wherever Whitfield preached, thousands rejoiced. The heartfelt religion which spontaneously burst forth was in great contrast to the stern and stoic form of religion practiced by the Calvinist Puritan Congregationalists of the Established Church. New converts in Congregational churches soon became uneasy by the coldness and hostility of unawakened members.

Whitfield revival converts came to be known as "New lights." Traditionalists in the Puritan congregations were called "Old lights." In such a climate of contrast, it was only natural the New lights began leaving the old state church to form their own congregations. By 1744 these informal congregations began assuming identities as churches. Those who left the old church and formed into new churches became known as Separates.

In 1745 Whitfield returned to America. His return was not welcomed by many of the Established Churches. However, the Separates greeted him enthusiastically. Because of their fervent support and attendance, the Separate Churches received most of the benefit from Whitfield's second revival tour. Three men of note who joined the Separates during the 1745 revival were Isaac Backus, Daniel Marshall and Shubal Sterns. All three would later join the Baptists, bringing with them their enthusiastic belief in evangelical revival.

The Established Congregational Church may have accepted the existence of the awakened New Light churches but for the fact that the New Lights kept a "closed communion" and would not accept letters of dismissal from the Congregationalists. Even at this early date, the New Lights recognized the need for church order. The Separates brought these practices with them when they joined the Baptists.

Elder Sylvester Hassell provides a brief introduction of the Separates as Baptists. He notes, "These Separates first arose in New England, and made their way eventually, into the States of Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia. Elders Shubal Stearns and Daniel Marshall were among those evangelical ministers whose labors were greatly blessed in the States above named."

Elder Lemuel Burkitt, in his history, written in 1806, notes; "The Separates first arose in New England, where some pious members left the Presbyterian, or the Standing Order, on account of their formality and superfluity, viz. 1. Because they were too extravagant in their apparel. 2. Because they did not believe their form of Church government to be right. But chiefly because they would admit none to the ministry only men of classical education,and many of their ministers, apparently, seemed to be unconverted. They were then called Separates Newlights. Some of these were baptized and moved into the southern provinces, particularly Elders Shubal Sterns and Daniel Marshall, whose labors were wonderfully blest in Virginia, North and South Carolina and Georgia. Many souls were converted, and, as the work progressed, many churches were established in Virginia and some in North Carolina."

Elder Burkitt continues his somewhat detailed and flattering description of the Separates by describing their preachers as extremely pious and zealous men. He characterized the effect of their evangelical zeal with this quote; "and such a work appeared to be amongst the people that some were amazed, and stood in doubt, saying what means this?" He notes, "The distinction between them and us, was they were called Separates and the Philadelphia, the Charleston, and the Kehukee Associations were called Regular Baptists."

As Elder Burkitt's narrative suggests, the Separates discovered many Baptist practices with which they concurred. They approved of the Baptists practice of democracy in church government, simplicity of their order of worship, believers baptism and ordaining men to the ministry based upon a divine call as demonstrated by qualification of their gifts through preaching.

Baptist Elders crossed into Connecticut to preach for Separate Congregations. Slowly the Separates began to leave the doctrines of pedobaptism and join Baptist churches. At one point Elder Backus, who himself left the Separates and was baptized and ordained by the Baptists, was heard to say that all the Separate churches would soon become Baptists.

During this migration of gospel conversion, Shubal Stearns, a prominent Separate preacher, joined the Baptists and was baptized and ordained in 1751 by Elder Waitt Palmer at Tolland, Connecticut. Elder Palmer had been baptized and ordained by Valentine Wightman.

It was through the evangelical activities of Elder Stearns and his brother-in-law, and brother in the ministry, Daniel Marshall, that primitive Baptist faith and practice was carried to the Kehukee brethren of North Carolina. In 1755 Stearns joined Daniel Marshall in Virginia. Marshall had been baptized earlier at the Particular Baptist Church at Mill Creek in Opekon, Virginia. Stearns was on his way to North Carolina at the request of friends, who petitioned him to come and help with the pathetic spiritual destitution of the area. Marshall and Stearns left Opekon in the summer of 1755, traveling two hundred miles to Sandy Creek, North Carolina.

Upon arriving at Sandy Creek, Stearns and his small congregation built a meeting house. Elder Stearns immediately began his evangelical activities. People from neighboring farms began attending the frequent services held in the new meeting house. Elder Stearns' heartfelt and powerful delivery was a display of religious fervor many had never heard nor seen. They could not decide which was more remarkable, his delivery or the content of his sermons of God's sovreign grace. Both had a very positive effect. There was an outpouring of the Spirit of God and revival began. Word of the lively meetings at Sandy Creek soon reached other settlements. Stearns received invitations to visit in those areas. He gave preference to invitations from the most neglected areas, having a desire to preach to the poorest folk. He accepted no salary for his services, relying on the providence of God through the generosity of His Saints. In 1757 an arm of Sandy Creek Church was extended to Abbott's Creek.

The Spirit of revival heightened dramatically the next year. An arm was extended to Deep River. After his own ordination, Daniel Marshall pushed the revival northward into Virginia, taking with him James Reed, William and Joseph Murphy, and Dutton Lane all newly ordained young preachers. He also traveled south, to Georgia, establishing churches there.

Within three years after their arrival, Stearns and Marshall witnessed a tremendous increase among the Baptists. Beginning with only sixteen members at Sandy Creek, there were now three churches with a combined membership of nine-hundred. More preachers were ordained. John Newton, Joseph Breed, Ezekiel Hunter, Charles Markland, Nathaniel Powell and James Turner were all preaching the gospel. The revival which began at Sandy Creek spread in every direction. In 1758 the Sandy Creek Association was organized.

The first session of Sandy Creek Association met in June 1758. According to Lumpkin "the meeting did not bother with organizational procedures and transaction of business. It did not even go so far as to elect a moderator, although everyone looked to Elder Stearns as the man in charge. The order of the day was preaching and exhorting, singing and recounting successes."

The meeting further energized the Baptists. Preachers were stirred to greater zeal. Many visitors, who attended the association out of curiosity, went away convicted by the message of man's depraved nature and God's free grace. New invitations came from every direction for preachers to be sent. Ingathering occurred in great numbers.

Elders Dutton Lane, baptized and ordained by Elder Stearns, found Virginia to be his field of labor. The first Separate Baptist church in Virginia was constituted in August 1760. Elder Lane served as pastor. According to Elder Robert Semple, in his history, Rise and Progress of the Baptist of Virginia, "The church prospered under the ministry of Mr. Lane, aided by the occasional visits of Mr. Marshall and Mr. Stearns."

Initially the Virginia churches were members of the Sandy Creek Association. However, because of the difficulty of travel and since the Sandy Creek Association had grown quite large, with churches in South Carolina and Virginia, at the 1770 session it was unanimously agreed to divide into three associations.

In 1771 the first session of the Virginia Separate Baptist Association was held. The new association contained fourteen churches. Very quickly, the association grew to more than fifty churches. It eventually divided into districts which later became independent associations. Associations which originated from the Virginia include Dover, Goshen, Culpepper, Albemarie, Middle District, Appomattox, Roanoak, Meherrin, Strawberry, New River, Halston, Mountain and Accomac.

The Separates organized churches in Tennessee. In 1771 a small group from Sandy Creek Church moved west, settling on Boone's Creek in Washington County. However, the churches were soon broken up by the Indian War of 1774. Though no church records are still in existence, correspondence from sister churches in North Carolina identifies the name of one of these pioneer churches as Buffalo Ridge. About 1780 many of the scattered memberships of these early churches reorganized in East Tennessee. In 1776 Elder Tidence Lane arrived in Watauga at Boone's Creek. He settled at nearby St Clair Bottom in 1777, where he established a group from Sandy Creek as a constituted church.

Elder Daniel Marshall traveled to Georgia where he established the first Baptist church in that Colony. In 1772 he constituted a church at Kiokee.

Kentucky also experienced Baptist expansion and ingathering from the Separate Baptists. In 1779 Squire Boone, brother of Daniel Boone, moved with his family from North Carolina down the Kentucky and Ohio Rivers to Louisville. Ordained as a Separate Baptist minister in 1776, Boone started a church there.

The first Baptist church in Mississippi, at Cole's Creek, was constituted by members from Little River Church. In turn, Little River had been organized by members from Sandy Creek and Deep River Church. Her first pastor, Elder Joseph Murphy, was baptized and ordained by Elder Stearns. The first pastor of Cole's Creek was Elder Richard Curtis Jr.. He returned to Little River in 1791 to be ordained. He immediately returned to Mississippi and constituted Cole's Creek Church.

The first Baptist churches in North Carolina were Arminian General Baptist. They were organized principally as a result of the evangelizing efforts of Elders Paul Palmer and Joseph Smith. In his book, A Concise History of the Kehukee Baptist Association, Elder Lemuel Burkitt lists several churches in North Carolina which were originally founded on the Arminian plan of the General Baptists. They included the churches at Tosniot, Kehukee, Falls at Tar River, Fishing Creek, Reedy Creek, Sandy Run and Camden County. He notes of these churches, "They preached and adhered to the Arminian, or Free-will doctrines, and their churches were first established upon this system." Further, Elder Burkitt notes these early churches were composed of any who believed in baptism by immersion. "They gathered churches without requiring an experience of grace previous to their baptism; but baptize all who believed in the doctrine of baptism by immersion, and requested baptism of them."

While this may seem very strange to us, it must be remembered that all the established churches, from which most people joined the Baptists, practiced pedobaptism. Pedobaptism does not require an experience of grace prior to baptism. The Calvinist Presbyterians and Congregationalists along with the Anglicans, all baptized unbelievers. When, Palmer and Smith came into North Carolina, they did likewise except they baptized by immersion.

These churches continued with their Arminian plan for several years until Elders Van Horn and Miller from the Philadelphia Association arrived preaching Calvin's theology. By the preaching of these two Elders many members of the General Baptist churches were converted to Calvinism. However, Elder Burkitt notes of these brethren what Jonathan Davis noted of the Welch reformers, Wroth, Erbury and Powell; they were not converted enough. The churches retained members baptized before they had an experience of grace. Some of those so retained asserted they had received baptism in the hope of being saved.

Seven churches formally organized themselves into the Kehukee Association of Regular Baptists in 1765, adopting Keach's Philadelphia version of the 1689 London Confession as their Articles of Faith. They established formal correspondence with the Charleston Association. They held no fellowship or formal visitation with the Separate Baptists in the area.

Noting the rapid increase of the Separate Baptists in North Carolina and Virginia, the Association sent Elders Jonathan Thomas and John Meglamre to the 1772 session of the Virginia Separate Baptist Association for the purpose of establishing correspondence. The Separate Baptists agreed to consider the possibility of fellowship and sent Elders Elijah Craig and David Thompson to the Kehukee Association held later that year. After investigating their order, the delegates found the Kehukee in disorder and returned to Virginia with a recommendation that the Separates withhold recognition and fellowship.

Elder Sylvester Hassell notes the Separates initial rejection of the Regulars' overtures of fellowship. "These Separates objected to the Regular or Kehukee Baptists in the following particulars: 1. Because they did not require strictly from those who applied for baptism an experience of grace. 2. Because they held members in their churches who acknowledged they were baptized before conversion. 3. Because they indulged too much in superfluity of apparel. There were other objections of minor importance. The most forcible objection of all appeared to be the retention of members who had been baptized in unbelief; and this was admitted on the part of the Regulars to be wrong; on which account several of their churches sought to correct it, by requiring all such of their members be baptized. This course gave offense to some other churches, who opposed the reformation; and, as a consequence, the churches at an Association held at Falls of Tar River, in October, 1775, divided; a part of them holding their session in the house, and the others in the woods, both claiming to be the Kehukee Association."

The first and second objections proved to be of greatest concern to the Kehukee brethren. According to Elder Burkitt, the issue of unconverted members was a carryover from their General Baptist days. As already noted, during that time, people were accepted for baptism and church membership without concern as to whether or not they had any spiritual evidence of a prior work of grace. Although they later came to be Regular Baptists, some members admitted they originally requested baptism as General Baptists with the hope they would be saved.

Apparently Elders Van Horn and Miller, the Regular Baptist ministers from the Philadelphia Association who converted these churches, felt that General Baptist baptisms were acceptable for membership in Regular Baptist Churches. This suggests their support of a principle of open membership. When the General Baptists were converted from the Arminian plan to Calvin's plan, becoming Regular Baptists, there is no evidence their baptisms were investigated though performed by authority of the Arminian plan. In his history of the Kehukee, Elder Burkitt never raises the issue of rebaptism. Since he is very specific as to the details of the Kehukee's transformation from Arminianism to Calvinism, had these brethren been rebaptized, it seems reasonable Elder Burkitt would have included this fact. Also, both Elders Burkitt and Hassell use language in their respective accounts which indicates they were not.

From this mid-eighteenth century episode, together with the Philadelphia Association's 1806 acceptance of "Tunker Universalist" baptisms, it may be assumed the Regulars recognized other denomination's baptismal authority as long as it was by immersion. It is evident from their confession that they required believers baptism in principle; however, it appears even at this early date, their practice of this tenet was lax.

The wording of the Separates first objection suggests that at the time the objection was raised the Kehukee Churches were still lax about investigating a candidate's condition of grace before they administered baptism. This was a serious charge, but one Elder Burkitt did not deny. In fact, his subsequent statements and actions suggest that he agreed with the Separates. This would explain why the charge is leveled against the Kehukee churches as a present error. This error later brought great agony to the Kehukee brethren. Some ministers said they were baptized, ordained and had baptized others before having a true experience of grace themselves. Some members said they were baptized with the hope of getting saved. This was in keeping with the Arminian plan of offering salvation to all who said they believed. People fearing the fires of hell were willing to believe if believing would save them. Thus, they stated their belief in Christ and were baptized, yet without a true work of grace in their souls. This also was in keeping with the practices of the Presbyterian and Congregationalist Calvinists who practiced pedobaptism and had a remnant of their membership they termed "inferior members," people baptized as infants who yet did not possess evidences of grace.

A brief discussion concerning this matter must be injected. The idea of having members who were baptized without a personal experience of grace seems strange indeed today. However, in the eighteenth century religious affiliation was compulsory both by law and as a strong cultural more. Because of this, it is reasonable to accept at face value the numerous statements made by writers of that day as to the presence of false professors. People had certain beliefs about God because belief in God was mandated both by society as law and culturally as acceptable behavior. However, in reprobates this belief was not heartfelt. It was the natural belief Paul spoke of in Romans 1:19-20. Natural belief in God was strengthened by the existence of mandated religion which resulted in people with no experience of grace receiving extensive instruction in the gospel. Natural belief was also sustained in the fact that most institutes of learning were operated by churches. Because of the societal norm of belief in God, reprobates believed He existed, were concerned with the thought of going to hell, and, therefore, professed religion to avoid it.

Such is not the case today. Today, reprobates are simply unbelievers, rather than false professors. Today, People who have no faith also have little natural belief about God. Twentieth century society is absent enforced societal norms concerning God and generally void of strong mores which might serve to promote strict belief in God by society as a whole. Society has degenerated to the conclusion of Paul's description of reprobates in Romans 1:21-32. Therefore reprobates no longer possess significant natural understanding about God because they are not compelled to do so. Thus, they also do not feel compelled to make false professions to avoid final judgement, because they do not believe in a final judgement.

It is presumed the rigid legalism of Calvinism may have lent itself to compelling unregenerates to a conjured belief. This was complimented by a societal fiat of exposure to gospel instruction. Such a circumstance could have perpetuated the problem of unbelievers baptism even after the Kehukee churches adopted Calvin's theology.

With a back door works system of "fruit inspection," which judges people's salvation based solely upon external practice, Calvinism places limited emphasis on the need for a heartfelt religion. It is not that the Regular Baptists rejected the notion of a heartfelt experience; however, the practices of Calvinist legalism tends to obscure such experiences. Without heartfelt religion, these brethren were forced to focus solely on manifestations of obedience which they interpreted as acts of righteousness. Thus, people were lead to a mistaken assumption that works alone were reliable indicators of unmistakable and irrefutable evidences of grace.

Baptism was one such work. Calvinist ministers spoke of obedience in baptism both as an evidence and requirement of salvation. Their doctrine of gospel instrumentality insisted that regeneration was accomplished in concert with hearing the gospel; and, their doctrine of strict perseverance mandated baptism as the first act after regeneration. The partnership of these tenets convinced people that all true believers are baptized; and, if one is not baptized, he is not saved because he lacks the first evidence of salvation. Thus, even after the Arminian plan was set aside, people who were void of a heartfelt work of grace evidently continued to present themselves for baptism to fulfill the first requisite and manifest the first evidence of salvation. They were baptized not to get saved; rather, they were baptized to prove to themselves and others they were saved. Though this is a distinction between Arminianism and Calvinism relative to gospel instrumentality, it arrives at the same conclusion, unsaved church members. In practice, most people were unable to make a distinction. This is why unbelievers baptism continued to be a problem even after the Kehukee churches transformed from Arminianism to Calvinism.

This problem was not particular to the Kehukee Association. In 1753, in response to a query from Kingswood Church regarding the necessity of an assurance of faith prior to baptism, the Philadelphia Association responded as follows. "It appears to us, both from scripture and experience, that true saving faith may subsist where there is not assurance of faith. Therefore, in answer to the second query, That a person sound in judgment, professing his faith of reliance on Christ for mercy and salvation, accompanied with a gospel conversation, ought to be baptized." This statement seems to indicate the Philadelphia Particular Baptists were also suffering from the logical consequence of Calvinist legalism, which quenches the spirit. Thus, spiritual motivations of rational outward expressions of the spirit such as weeping, shouts of praise, joyous countenance, and peace are lost. Simply stated, in general, their religion was not heartfelt.

Void of heartfelt religion, the Calvinist Regular Baptists were forced to view only works as evidences of grace. They encouraged people to be baptized even if they did not feel the assurance recieved by the witness of the divine indwelling of the Spirit. They reasoned that baptism, as a response to the need for assurance of salvation, indicated salvation. The theology of Calvin placed the Regulars in the awkward circumstance of accepting people for baptism despite their inability to profess an immediate experience of grace or some experiential evidence of God's indwelling.

This was not acceptable to the Separate Baptists who practiced a heart felt religion. Their scriptural searching and own experiences taught that the effects of regeneration on the soul was felt throughout the newly born again. They would not accept people for baptism who could not express a faithful hope of assurance, that they felt the indwelling presence of the Holy Ghost dwelling urging their obedience to baptism. (This is precisely the issue of Covenant of Works verses Covenant of Grace which greeted Elder John Clarke when he arrived in Boston in 1637).

When the Separates came along, preaching a gospel of heartfelt religion which stirred believers souls and compelled them to weep and shout with joy, the Kehukee Particular Baptists were astonished. Such displays of religious fervor were unknown to the Regular Baptists. However, when they saw the effect of such preaching and fellowship, and the great revival God was accomplishing through the Separate Baptists, they could not deny its validity. When the Separates pointed out the effect of the Regulars' Calvinist legal system of belief and salvation, the Kehukee brethren could not ignore their criticisms. They evidently had members among them who lacked an experience of grace, which was the logical conclusion of both their Arminian and Calvinist theologies.

The lax practices of the Regular Baptists concerning heartfelt expressions of belief and hope in Christ, as an evidence of grace prior to baptism, and retaining members who could not honestly make such a statement caused a division in the association. The Separate's criticisms forced the Regular churches to examine their doctrine and practice. Evidently some churches were not satisfied with what they found. Three of the churches in the association adopted a declaration of withdrawal against "every brother that walked disorderly." Stating their motive, Elder Burkitt wrote, "we were under very great impressions to begin a reformation of the churches." The association, and one church, split.

Those who have traced the Kehukee, Virginia, Philadelphia, Charleston and other former Regular Baptist Associations are aware these bodies realized significant changes in both faith and practice since 1789. Indeed, most of the original Regular Baptist Associations no longer exist. In the mission/anti-mission divisions of the nineteenth century, churches from all of these associations gained new identities. Some few remained Regular Baptists, fully embracing the inventions of Fuller and Carey while retaining their Calvinist theology. In 1900 they became known formally as Landmark Baptists and are members of the American Baptist Association. However, it must be noted these brethren also experienced divisions; and today, not all who call themselves Landmark Baptists are Calvinists in their theology.

Some few churches in America are yet called Particular or Strict Baptists. Their affiliation is with the Gospel Standard Strict Baptists in England.

Many of the Regulars made a complete transformation once exposed to the heady self-flattery of the missionary scheme. They could no longer be satisfied with saving elect souls and demanded an opportunity to save all souls. They abandoned Calvin's theology and, with missionaryism as their creed, joined in union with the General Baptists, subdividing into numerous Baptist Conferences, Unions and Societies.

Those who truly loved the doctrines of grace were more perfectly instructed. Over several decades they came to accept the truth of man's depravity and God's grace. They realized man can do nothing before he is born again to save himself, including receiving gracious visitation and implantation of a saving faith prior to actual regeneration. They rejected Calvin's notions of saving faith gospel instrumentality in regeneration. They came to realize that faith is not one of the fruits of the Spirit; but rather, is one of nine elements of the single fruit of the Spirit. As such it cannot precede Spiritual indwelling in the child or God. They embraced the Old, primitive Baptist creed, which is the word of God, the only rule of faith and practice. They joined or affiliated themselves with churches whose unbroken succession of authorized baptism and true faith is traced back to Christ. In so doing, forefathers settled on an old name as their new name, Primitive Baptists.

Most Primitive Baptist churches in existence today can trace their origins back through the Kehukee, Virginia, or Georgia Associations; or, through some other church in the area, constituted through the efforts of Shubal Stearns, Daniel Marshall, or the small army of evangelical elders they ordained. From these numerous Churches, successions reach England in one of two ways. Those who so desire, may claim succession through the Particular or, Regular Baptists, who joined union with the Separate Baptists. This path proceeds back to England through the Churches of the Philadelphia, Charleston, New York or other Particular Baptist Associations. It leads back to the represented churches of the 1689 and 1644 London Confessions, It proceeds back to John Batte and the Rwynsburg Mennonites. It continues through Walter Reynard (Lollard) to the Waldensians. It moves back to Polycarp, then John and finally the Savior.

Those who choose the Welch succession trace their primitive Baptist heritage through Shubal Stearns and Daniel Marshall. They follow it to Elder Valentine Wightman, Obadiah Holmes and Dr. John Clarke. It goes back through the Midland Association of 1655 prior to embracing Fuller's errors of Calvinist gospel instrumentality. It reaches back to Elder Edward Wightman of Burton, in the Midlands in 1612, whose preaching so inflamed Anglican clergy they burned him at the stake. It traces from this brother back to the ancient mother Church at Olchon, who claims her origin in the era of the Apostle Paul and the apostolic church in first century Rome, finally, back to the Savior in Jerusalem.

The word fitly spoken by the Savior, which he gave to the Apostle Paul, was passed to Pudence, Bran Fendigaid and other noble Welshman. It was passed to martyred Alban, Aaron and Julius whom the Welsh pagan worshippers slew. It was passed to Dyfrig who withstood the Papist Austin and was slain with twelve hundred of his yoke fellows in 600 A.D. in the Vale of Carleon. It was preached by Dynawl, Tailo, Pawlin, Daniel and David. It was preached in fellowship with Walter Lollard. Sir John Oldcastle preached the same words of Christ, as flames licked his body. He passed the word to Walter Brute. It passed to Howell Vaughn and Edward Wightman. It was passed to Daniel King, John Mayo and others of the Midland Association. It passed to John Clarke and Valentine Wightman. It passed to Shubal Stearns and Daniel Marshall. It was passed to the one-hundred twenty-five elders they ordained. It was passed to Elders Lemuel Burkitt, John Maglamre, Nathan Mayo and others of the Kehukee brethren.

From there it spread across America. It is the doctrine Elder Richard Curtis Jr. preached in Mississippi in 1791. It is the faith which Elder Wilson Thompson preached all his life and passed to his son Elder Greg Thompson. It is the doctrine they both used with great spirit and skill as they refuted the arguments of gospel means in the mid 1800s. It was preached by Elders Lee Hanks, Achilles Coffey, John R. Daily, Walter Evans, S. F. Cayce, G. T. Mayo, J. G. Webb, S. F. Moore, Walter Cash and T. L. Webb. It is the doctrine so ably explained in the notes of the Fulton Convention of 1900. It is this same faith which is preached from Primitive Baptist pulpits today.

There is a great need for revival in the church today. She is under attack, and Satan is using his most subtle and effective weapons. We all seek spiritual revival. However, conforming ourselves to the teachings of Protestant reformers is not the answer. It was not the answer for Olchon, the Midland Churches, the Separates or the Kehukee brethren. Calvin, Owens, and Edwards or even Philpot or Spurgeon are not our role models. They were all men who served God as they felt impressed in their hearts. Our true role models are first, Jesus Christ, next the apostles, next the first century church and then New Testament saints such as Stephen, Timothy, Cornelius, Pricilla and Eunice. The relevance of their service is defined in scripture. We are not forced to wonder about their motives and activities. They are all defined examples. No such well defined role models have existed since, because the accounts of later saints were not penned by divine inspiration.

The true creed of Primitive Baptist doctrine and practice is not contained in uninspired articles of faith. Our standard for belief is the inspired word of God, the Bible. We must not succumb to the wiles of Satan in our efforts to claim God's elect into the church or to reclaim backsliding members. The self-defined doctrines of hyper-legality will never effect true revival. Throughout history, beginning with the Pharisees of Jesus Christ's day, such theories have always fallen by the way. Devices of men do not glorify God and therefore have never effected true revival.

True revival can occur. But it will occur only after we, as a people, humble ourselves before God in prayer, begging his forgiveness for our sins of negligence and idolatry. He will then give us spirits of repentance which will focus our minds and lives upon our complete dependence in his gracious providence. When we return to the narrow path walked by the Savior and martyred saints who gave all in their pursuit of godly righteousness, God will send others to walk with us.

The false religion of rigidly enforced ethical creeds will never effect true revival. Only when true gospel is coupled with the godly righteousness of true religion, which is in Christ Jesus, will God so bless us. The obedient walks of the saints of God will provide examples to those who long in their souls to be delivered from the bondage of corruption of their carnal existence. The gospel will explain the good news of salvation by the sovereign grace of God and give occasion to joy and peace. It will reveal the narrow pathway of true Christian discipleship. When we, as members of Christ's church, conform the walks of our lives to Christ Jesus by the transforming of our minds away from worldly charms, then God will send revival. But first, we must humble ourselves and beg God's forgiveness. When our minds are spiritual enough and our lives obedient enough God will send revival.

We may take a lesson from our seventeenth century brethren. When differences arose, their desire was to serve God in any way, even in disagreement. Personal attacks were few. Brethren looked for areas of agreement. Error was tolerated while labor was extended. Everyone benefitted from manifestations of godly affections. The Lord sent revival.

Previously, we have offered a brief discussion of the Particular Baptists' 1644 and 1689 London Confessions. In particular, the discussion identified the striking similarities of the Presbyterian 1646 Westminster Confession and the 1689 London Confession. The detail and scope of their correspondence forces us to conclude that the London Confession is a slightly modified version of the older Presbyterian creed. We have offered several possibilities as to why the Particular Baptists used the Westminster Confession as a model for their Confession.

We will now attempt to survey three Baptist statements of belief which bear little resemblance to either the London or Westminster Confessions. The scope of diversity of these confessions, from those mentioned above, includes language style, detail, breadth of subject matter and theological content.

Three Confessions of Faith warrant special consideration as principle statements of primitive Baptist orthodoxy. They are the 1655 Midland Association Confession of Faith, the 1777 Reformed Kehukee Association Articles of Faith, and the 1816 Sandy Creek Association Principles of Faith. Their importance is both theological and historical. Their theological significance is found in both what they say, and what they do not say as compared to the better known London and Philadelphia Confessions of Faith. Beyond their theological content as compared and contrasted to those confessions, of paramount importance are their contents relative to scriptural validation.

The historical importance of these Confessions rests with the issue of succession. They provide a view of what our forefathers believed. Considering their similarities and differences allows us to determine the degree of mutual belief which their authors held with one another and also, which we hold with them. Historically they allow us to determine if they held the faith once delivered to the saints. Of course, this determination is not made in a vacuum. Historical succession is always and primarily considered in the context of scriptural validation of the essential principles of faith. If we all believe the same doctrine, and it is erroneous, we may in fact possess a line of succession but it is not an unbroken line back to Christ.

A small liberty is taken in calling these three Confessions Primitive Baptist Confessions of Faith. In so doing I disclose my slight prejudice. However, I believe this liberty is both accurate and merited. It is accurate, as we shall see, because the essential principles contained in each confession are primitive in their origin, which is Holy Scripture, and because they accurately define the principles of faith held by contemporary Primitive Baptists. Each Confession accurately describes the essential faith which was one time delivered to our ancient brethren.

Associating the Primitive Baptist name with these Confessions is merited for the purposes of distinction and succession. While it is not claimed that they are standards for subsequent Articles of Faith, they do function quite well as landmarks. The model or standard for Confessions of Faith must be scripture. However, it is quite beneficial to call up old confessions from centuries past and make comparisons. They tell us if we have strayed from the doctrinal tenets of our theological ancestry. When agreement is found, evidence of continuous succession of these truths is also found. Succession of truth is an identifying principle of the true church, since her doctrine and practice is derived from the faith which was once (one time) delivered to the saints of God.

The Midland Confession of Faith was written in preparation for an Associational union of seven churches in the Midlands of England. The document was prepared in May, 1655 at a gathering of delegates which met at Warwick. It was returned to the seven churches for discussion and ratification. On June 26, 1655 the Midland Association was formally constituted at Moreton. The Confession was adopted as a formal statement of the commonly held beliefs of the Midland churches.

Many Baptists in this area were Arminians of the General Baptist Assembly. Also, the Midlands was an area of intense proselyting activity by George Fox and the Quakers. In part, this serves to explain the polemic tone of this confession. It was intended not only to define the essential beliefs held by the Midland churches, but also to function as an instructional tool to ward off error by anticipating the contradictions of the General Baptists and Quakers.

The Elders of the Midland Association were mostly working men. None were seminary graduates. None were former Anglican Bishops, so they did not considered themselves reformed or reformers. They were farmers, weavers, millers etc.. These were men who believed their calling and qualification, as ministers of the gospel, were from God. These facts are significant when considering both the existence and content of their Confession.

Lacking formal educations, and as busy working men, it is reasonable to assume these brethren would have adopted the 1644 London Confession as an expression of their beliefs had they fully agreed with its content. The London document was written by more educated men, some of which were former Anglican Bishops with formal theological training. Their busy lives made the London Confession a convenient credential. However, they chose not to take full advantage of the London document.

Elder Benjamin Cox, pastor of Abington Church in London, was invited to participate in writing the Midland Confession. Elder Cox had previously expressed dissatisfaction with the 1644 London Confession. In 1646 he attended the London General Conference submitting a list of twenty-two additions and corrections for consideration. His appendix was not officially endorsed by the conference. However, it is preserved and was reprinted in 1981 as an appendix to the 1646 edition of the London Confession.

Certain similarities in phrases are seen in the Midland Confession and the 1644 London Confession. No doubt this represents the influence of Elder Cox. However, his most significant contribution to the Midland Confession lies in its opposition to Arminian theories.

Elder Cox's appendix is mostly a polemic response to Arminian Free-willism. In this regard, his efforts to address the errors of Arminius were exactly what the Midland brethren desired. The growing numbers of Arminian Baptist churches was a concern to these brethren. Elder Cox efforts demonstrated his ability to nullify their most persuasive arguments. In this regard, his skills proved very beneficial to the Midland churches.

Elder Daniel King, one of the principle organizers of the Midland Association, was also probably familiar with the London Confession. In 1650 he wrote a book titled A Way to Sion, which was endorsed by four Elders from the London area. It is known that he retained contact with the London Churches during his ministry.

However, Elders Cox and King's acquaintance with the London Confession serves to bolster the assertion that the Midland churches purposely distinguished themselves from the theological content of the London Confession. With two men in their midst having ready access and detailed knowledge of the London document, it seems reasonable the Midland brethren would have simply adopted the London Confession outright. At the least, they could have restated it in their own words had they considered it a reasonable expression of their beliefs.

Differences in the two documents are considerable. First, the language style is different. The Midland document uses a more concise style of expression. The London document is more comprehensive in subject matter than the Midland Confession. The Midland brethren stated their doctrine in sixteen articles rather than fifty-three.Further, the subject order is different. Only the first two articles, dealing with the identity and character of God, are in the same order. Unlike the London Confession, the Midland Confession does not include a discussion of God's providence with the doctrine of Election. (This is article three in the London Confession). The London Confession omits any relationship between scriptural knowledge and time salvation.

The sentiment of Article twenty-four of the 1644 London is absent in the Midland Confession. Article Twenty-four: "Faith is ordinarily begotten by the preaching of the gospel, or word of Christ, without respect to any power or agency in the creature; but it being wholly passive, and dead in trespasses and sins, doth believe and is converted by no less power than that which raised Christ from the dead."

The order of this statement is unmistakable. It says faith is normally acquired by the preaching of the gospel. It continues by saying God does not respect any power or agency in the hearing creature, because the hearing creature is passive, being dead in trespasses and sins; upon hearing, the dead creature believes and is converted by the same power which raised Christ from the dead. The inference of this article cannot be denied. It is dealing with regeneration. The creature is dead in trespasses and sins. It is converted by the power that raised Christ from the dead. This conversion must be a conversion from death to life, since the analogy of Christ which is used is from death to life. Further, it notes the conversion is effected by the Spirit of God. Finally it plainly declares the gospel is the ordinary means for arranging belief, and that belief precedes conversion. It says God does not respect any agency in the creature. However, the article ascribes the gospel as an agency of belief to regeneration. The logical conclusion is: Without the gospel there is no faith and therefore no regeneration.

As we shall attempt to show in our commentary of article eight of the Midland Confession, these brethren did not accept that rational belief, or gospel faith, is a prerequisite of regeneration. They did not place gospel faith ahead of regeneration. This is a fundamental dissimilarity between these two documents. There is no statement of gospel instrumentality in the Midland Confession. Apparently Lumpkin, in assessing the two documents, missed this fundamental difference. However, with such a drastic distinction in theology, it is apparent why the Midland Brethren did not use the London Confession of 1644 as a statement of their beliefs.

The 1655 Midland Confession is a model for later Primitive Baptist Confessions. Its brevity and simple language is in contrast to the detail and linguistic intricacy of the London Confessions. Subsequent Primitive Baptist Confessions share the Midland brethren's style of directness and simplicity.

The Confession was not written for the benefit of Parliaments and clergy. It was not dedicated to a king. It was written for the benefit of the membership and friends of the churches of the Midland Association. Its style fits the modest education of the farmers, laborers and merchants who comprised the churches' memberships. It is a document which fathers and mothers were able to understand and to explain to their children, which neighbors could discuss with one another. Its simplicity served to make it an outline for scriptural study.

1st. We believe and profess, that there is only one true God, who is our God, who is eternal, almighty, unchangeable, infinite, and incomprehensible; who is a Spirit, having His being in Himself, and giveth being to all creatures; He doth what He will, in heaven and earth; working all things according to the counsel of His own will.

2nd. That this infinite Being is set forth to be the Father, the Word, and the Holy Spirit; and these three agree in one. I John v.7.

The first two articles are statements of the identity and attributes of God. They begin by establishing belief in his power and authority as Creator God. The identity of God as one true God and as the Trinity is defined.

The statement of the Trinity stops short of declaring the three are one, instead they say "these three agree in one." This handling of the Godhead probably suggests that the concept of an omnipotent God who is three in one was so well understood and accepted it required little explanation.

3rd. We profess and believe the Holy Scriptures, the Old and New Testament, to be the word and revealed mind of God, which are able to make men wise unto Salvation, through faith and love which is in Christ Jesus; and that they are given by inspiration of God, serving to furnish the man of God for every good work; and by them we are (in the strength of Christ) to try all things whatsoever are brought to us, under the pretence of truth. II Timothy iii.15-17; Isaiah viii.20.

Article three reveals a belief in divine inspiration of the Bible. It also proclaims the sufficiency of scripture "to make man wise unto salvation."

This article is a remarkable and distinct statement which demonstrates independent theological thinking. It expresses a distinctly Primitive Baptist tenet. It is the first Baptist confessional statement which plainly identifies God's providential ministering as the bible doctrine of timely salvation. These brethren recognized that peace, joy, contentment, assurance, consolation and even rational believing are all dependent, in some degree, upon man's obedience towards God's will. They noted that wisdom based salvation is established in one's faith and love in Christ. They associated the providential deliverance of this salvation to good works from a love motive, identifying scripture as the principle source for instruction in good works. With their last statement, concerning trying all things, they subscribed to a belief that scripture is the only rule of faith, practice, and daily living.

By identifying a salvation which is from God, revealed in scripture, understood through wisdom, received through scriptural discernment, applied by good works, all accomplished through faith and love in Christ, these brethren provided a detailed description of the contingent for God delivering providential blessings of temporal deliverance, which is time salvation.

The absence of a polemic attitude in this article and the skill with which it is simply stated suggests the Midland brethren were both established and comfortable with the theology of a temporal salvation of providential deliverance. They recognized that, to a very large extent, this deliverance, or temporal saving, is contingent upon obedience to God's will. They understood that scriptures such as Philippians 2:12, Romans 1:16, II Corinthians 7:18, Philippians 1:19 and II Timothy 3:15 all reveal the principle of God's providential salvation of His people.

4th. That though Adam was created righteous, yet he fell through the temptations of Satan; and his fall overthrew, not only himself, but his posterity, making them sinners by his disobedience; so that we are by nature children of wrath, and defiled from the womb, being shapen in iniquity and conceived in sin. Psalm ii.13; Romans v.12-15.

The origin of sin and man's resultant depravity is stated in this article. The statement is short but inclusive. It identifies the culpability of Satan in the transgression as well as Adam's position as the federal head of humanity. It contains a specific statement describing the nature of man in total depravity.

5th. That God elected and chose, in His Eternal counsel, some persons to life and salvation, before the foundation of the world, whom accordingly He doth and will effectually call, and whom He doth so call, He will certainly keep by His power, through faith to salvation. Acts xiii.48; Ephesians i.2-4; II Thessalonians ii.13; I Peter i.2, etc.

Article five marks a variance of the Midland brethren from classic Calvinism. Dealing with election, they identify God's choice of, "some persons to life and salvation." This statement is void of any suggestion of a double election, a concept which Calvin held. In his Institutes, Calvin presents a theory of predestination as the culmination of two elections by which God predestinates certain people to heaven and others to hell. He taught that God elected the Children of God to a predestination of heaven in the conformed image of Christ; and, elected the children of wrath to a predestination of reprobation and destruction in hell. Calvin supports his double election theory with deductive reasoning rather than scripture. He supposes that God, in choosing a people to live with him in heaven, by process of elimination has also made a choice of a people to suffer eternal torment.

The consequence of his erroneous reasoning is far reaching. Presumably, his double election theory is the basis for the false doctrine of God's absolute predestination of all things. Calvin denied he believed in God's predestination of all things. However, the same deductive reasoning which brought him to a conclusion of a double election, when carried to its logical conclusion, demands that there be a doctrine of God's predestination of all things. Calvin's denial serves to demonstrate the eventual conclusion of his double election theory. Since God provides all the means necessary for the eternal salvation of the children of God to a predestination which includes an election of grace; if he has predestinated others to eternal damnation in hell, it is reasonable to conclude he has also provided all the means necessary to ensure their eternal destiny. Thus, God becomes predestinator of the cause of condemnation, which is sin. This logic compelled Calvin's critics to suspect him of believing in God's absolute predestination of all things. His vigorous denial registers the fact that accusations were made.

The Midland brethren realized the Bible teaches an exclusive predestination of God's elect to conformation to the image of Christ. Their qualified application of election to "life and salvation" suggests not only they correctly understood the doctrine of election; it also implies that others did not.

6th. That election was free in God, of His own pleasure, and not at all for, or with reference to , any foreseen works of faith in the creature, as the motive thereunto. Ephesians i.4, Romans xi.5,6.

The Confession continues with the subject of election in this article by dealing with God's sovereignty. It plainly states the election of God was not based upon "foreseen works of faith in the creature."

By associating works and faith these brethren revealed a fundamental theological connection. It is, faith is manifested by works. Thus, faith can never be viewed in the abstract. Purely abstract faith produces no evidence of its existence because works is the evidence. Therefore, without works it is impossible to display faith. Further, James declares faith void of works is dead. The relationship of faith and works is fixed. James was adamant on this point. He challenged Christians to show faith void of works, insinuating the impossibility of success. Such faith is dead on arrival, and cannot truly be identified as faith. Even the antecedent faith of regeneration is evidenced by subtle works which are sometimes unexplainable by those who possess it. This point is revealed and developed by the Apostle Paul in Romans 2:13 - 16. He recognized that even those lacking gospel knowledge are capable of the faithful work of godly morality, based upon the new creature testimony present in their souls.

Arminius missed this point completely, associating faith with works but placing the source of such faith in the rational logic of a depraved being. This faith does not proceed from holiness, and therefore, can never be inventoried as righteousness. How can unholiness manifest good works? Paul said it cannot. He said there is no righteousness (sinless quality) in carnal man. He said God concluded all in unbelief. Depraved man is void of righteousness because he has no holiness. Without holiness there is no substantive source for good works. Works cannot be good unless they originate in holiness. Without good works there is no evidence of faith. Pelagianism falls.

Calvin understood the evidentiary relationship of faith and works(sometimes taking it to an extreme) everywhere except in the doctrine of justification as it relates to regeneration. Here, his doctrine imparts faith, through the concerted efforts of the Holy Ghost and the Gospel, before new birth. Even if belief is manifested a nanosecond before regeneration, it cannot be counted as righteousness, because such belief is an expression of the rational stirrings of a creature whose spiritual identity is one of total depravity. Since he is not yet born again, he has no holiness by which righteous faith is produced. The only means of attaining righteousness is through the blood of Christ. But the blood must be applied before righteousness can be counted (imputed) by God. So this faith cannot be counted righteous through the righteousness that is in Christ's blood because the blood is not effectually applied until regeneration occurs.

Here, Calvin has stumbled and landed next to Arminius, for he places faith before regeneration. His theory, simply stated, is that the child of God is imparted a saving faith prior to the indwelling of God in new birth. This prior to new birth faith allows his will to accept the message of the gospel whereby he believes in Christ, is justified before God based upon this belief, and is then given new birth. Thus, Calvin placed the good work of belief in a faith that is resident in an unregenerate, totally depraved being. He is in the same fix as Arminius. How can righteous faith reside in unholy man? If it does not reside in the holy seed, born of regeneration, how can it remain righteous? How can God look upon it as righteous if it is produced in the unholy environment of human depravity? Calvin said it is produced by the Spirit and imparted to man. However, without the cleansing efficacy of Christ's blood it cannot remain holy while in contact with depraved humanity. It must be viewed through the blood of Christ which, by Calvin's theory, is applied after belief. Here, Calvin ignored the fixed relationship of faith and its manifestation as the good work of belief. It cannot be good, and thereby righteous, or counted as righteous, if it does not reside in and proceed from a holy environment. He forgot the contextual development of faith as a fruit of the Spirit in Galatians 5. He does not deny faith is a fruit of the Spirit. However, Calvin overlooked that, in Galatians 5, Paul developed a principle of manifestation of the indwelling Spirit of God. Verse 25 summarizes the entire basis for Paul's discussion of good works as manifestations of the fruit of the Spirit. He wrote; "If we live in the Spirit, let us also walk after the Spirit."

The Midland brethren understood that a fundamental distinction of manifestations of faith does not exist; that fundamentally, faith is proactive. That is, faith will express itself at some level, from the moment of new birth. In this context, conviction of sin which, as a response of godly morality may be manifest as genuine remorse, is a manifestation of faith which can be expressed absent any gospel knowledge. They accepted Paul's Galatian letter and James' epistle, that good works are affixed to faith and faith without works is dead. They understood that philosophical faith, void of work, is a mirage of antinomian rhetoric. But, they also knew that the good work of rational acceptance of God, even a nanosecond after regeneration, is a manifestation of faith, and therefore evidence of a predessorary indwelling of God's Spirit in regeneration. They knew that God judges no work as good or faithful unless its origin is holy and thereby stimulated by a righteous motivation. Without the imparted sanctification of Spiritual seed new life there are no good works. The carnal nature of man (the only nature man possesses before regeneration) cannot produce works which are good in the context of God's moral judgement. God always views good works through the applied blood of Christ. Thus, these brethren understood that the divine indwelling of regeneration, and nothing less, is the predessorary impetus for manifesting faith. They knew there is no definition of faith outside the context of God's holiness, because without holiness there is no faith. Therefore, without the indwelling of the holy Spirit in regeneration, man is not capable of faithful overtures toward God by any scriptural definition of faith.

Not only were they saying God does not elect based upon faithful works but, by denying faithful works as a prerequisite for election, they also denied it as a precursor of regeneration.

7th. That Jesus Christ was, in the fulness of time, manifested in the flesh; being born of a woman; being perfectly righteous, gave himself for the elect to redeem them to God by his blood. John x.15; Ephesians v. 25-27; Rev. v.9.

This article addresses the eternal identity of Christ. It teaches he assumed human form, being born of a woman. It identifies his sinless quality while he was in the form of a man.

It is also a definite statement of particular redemption. By associating redemption by Christ's blood to the elect only, they have said that Christ died for his elect alone and that only the elect, chosen by the eternal counsel of God, (Article five) will be redeemed. No doubt, it was this tenet, in particular, which the disciples of Fuller and Carey wished to have removed from the Association's circular letters. Their perverted doctrine of general atonement and particular application cannot be resolved to the meaning of this article.

8th. That all men until they be quickened by Christ are dead in trespasses--Ephesians ii.1; and therefore have no power of themselves to believe savingly--John xv.5. But faith is the free gift of God, and the mighty work of God in the soul, even like the rising of Christ from the dead--Ephesians 1.19. Therefore consent not with those who hold that God hath given power to all men to believe to salvation.

While Elder Cox's influence is apparent in other articles of this Confession, it is nowhere more apparent than in article eight. This article is a compact statement of several articles of his appendix. In particular it communicates sentiments expressed by Elder Cox in article seven of his appendix. It states, "Though we confess that no man doth attain unto faith by his own good will; John 1:13, yet we judge and know that the Spirit of God doth not compel a man to believe against his will, but doth powerfully and sweetly create in a man a new heart, and so make him to believe and obey willingly, Ezek. 36;26,27; Ps. 110:3. God thus working in us both to will and to do, of His good pleasure, Phil. 2:13." Elder Cox clearly understood that faith cannot exist in the child of God until after a new heart is created in him.

The polemic attitude of this article reveals the controversial issue of the day. It is markedly anti-Arminian. The last statement is directed at correcting the notion of Pelagian free-willism. This makes sense because the Welsh Baptists had done battle with Pelagianism for a millennium. Its rise in popularity in the 17th century must have been a cause for alarm among the Midland churches.

In addressing Pelagian error, the Midland brethren also identified their opposition to an underlying principle of Calvinist regeneration, which is gospel agency. Their statement presents faith as an evidence of regeneration, and concludes that this certainty eliminates any ability for men to believe savingly. The Midland brethren evidently believed new birth must precede rational comprehension of gospel faith. They likened faith to the rising of Christ from the dead. Before he rose he was alive. He did not first rise, then live. Regardless of the immediacy of his rising after life, the rising did not precede life.

Perhaps the use of the phrase "all men" in their concluding sentence was pointed at Arminian free-willism. However, this is the conclusion of the article, which is predicated on a relationshipof regeneration and faith as being analogous to the rising of Christ from the dead. The article began by establishing that all men are dead. The "all men" of the first statement is inclusive of every human who is dead in trespasses and sins and cannot believe until after they are quickened. Therefore "all men" in the conclusive sentence must be interpreted to mean every man. Context has not changed. Therefore, the "all men" of the last statement must also be inclusive. They did not believe that any man can believe and be saved, whether or not they are elect. Belief, in this article, is identified as following, not preceding, nor concurrent to new birth.

9th. That Christ is the only true King, Priest, and Prophet of the Church. Acts ii.22-23; Hebrews iv.14, etc; viii.1, etc.

This article establishes Christ's authority as King, ability as Priest, and instruction as Prophet. In combination, it describes his identity as the head of the church. It clearly defines Christ alone as the head of the church. The Midlands area had suffered terribly from both papal and Anglican persecutions. They knew first hand of abuses of pontifical authorities. In this article they plainly declared that Christ alone is the head and power of the church. They identify his prophecy, written as scripture and preached as gospel, as the only rule of faith and practice.

10th. That every man is justified by Christ--Romans; viii.33; I Cor. vi.11; apprehended by faith; and that no man is justified in the sight of God partly by Christ and partly by works. Romans iii.20,28,30; Gal. v.4.

Article ten is very Primitive Baptist. The language of the article together with scriptural references indicates the Midland brethren understood that Paul's references to law service, in a broader application, refers to any works system. Also, it provides additional clarity to the Midland brethren's position relative to faith in regeneration. The clause, "That every man is justified by Christ, apprehended by faith," makes the same distinction of order in justification and faith that is made in article eight concerning regeneration and faith. They did not precede justification with faith. The proper order is justification, then faith.

This article specifies justification as being accomplished by the imputed righteousness of Christ alone. They say man is justified by Christ. In this they disassociated justification and works; and, because belief is the work of faith, they eliminated the unregenerate faith as an ingredient of effectual justification. Evidently they believed justification is by the imputed righteousness of Christ, "through the faith of the operation of the God, who raised him from the dead" (Colossians 2:12); whereby, in regeneration the child of God is buried with Christ by a baptism into his death by effectual immersion in his blood, and arises in him, in the blood, by the justification of reconciliation demonstrated in his resurrection.

However, they wrote that man is apprehended by faith. No doubt, their use of the word apprehended was deliberate. It sends a signal concerning this faith. It is a faith that apprehends. Paul spoke of such a faith in Philippians 3. He desired to be found in Christ, not possessing his own righteousness of works, but rather a righteousness which is through the faith of Christ. With this righteousness he was able to know Christ, the power of his resurrection, and the fellowship of his suffering. Being thus conformed to the death of Christ, which is a death of the will of the flesh in obedience to the will of God, Paul aspired to attain a resurrection. In this resurrection he would apprehend that for which he was apprehended of, Christ Jesus. He concludes by stating; "Not as though I had already attained, either were already perfect; but I follow after, if that I may apprehend that for which I am apprehended of Christ Jesus."

The apprehending of which Paul wrote is the apprehending of which the Midland brethren wrote. Again, this article demonstrates the depth of knowledge and skill of these early Baptists. They understood the scriptural principle of experiential justification, that, through obedience, man gains the experience of justification. They realized this justification, although we are not yet raised from the dead, allows us to experience the qualitative power of Christ's resurrection. They knew that such obedience is through sufferings and mortifications of our members in the flesh. They knew the basis for such obedience is through the faith of Christ, which is in the Child of God in regeneration.

11th. That Jesus of Nazareth, of whom the scriptures of the Old Testament prophesied, is the true Messiah and Saviour of men; and that He died on the cross, was buried, rose again in the same body in which He suffered and ascended to the right hand of the majesty on high, and appeareth in the presence of God, making intercession for us.

This article requires very little discussion. Its theme is belief in the literal existence of Christ as Jesus of Nazareth. Its poignant message is that Christ is a man who was born in Nazareth, according to prophesy. He suffered and died in man's body. He arose in the same body. He ascended into heaven in the same body where he now dwells with God. This article confirms the humanity of Christ while it ascribes deity to his person, all prophesied in scripture and accomplished at the appointed time. It also defines the principle of the bodily resurrection of the dead.

12th That all those who have faith wrought in their hearts by the power of God, according to his good pleasure, should be careful to maintain good works, and to abound in them, acting from principles of true faith and unfeigned love, looking to God's glory as their main end. Titus iii.8; Heb. xi.6; I Cor. vi.10 and 31.

Article twelve affirms a belief that faith is a fruit of the Spirit which is received from God. Further, it identifies God as the sole worker of intrinsic faith, by his power alone. This article is an apologetic statement of the doctrine of christian obedience. It identifies the responsibility of everyone born of the Spirit of God to maintain an abundance of good works. It assigns true faith and unfeigned love as the principle motives for godly living. Finally, it assigns to God any approbations of men we might receive for well doing.

13th. That those who profess faith in Christ, and make the same appear by their fruits, are the proper subjects of Baptism. Matthew xxviii.18,19.

14th. That this baptizing is not by sprinkling, but dipping of the persons in the water, representing the death, burial, and resurrection of Christ. Romans vi.3,4; Colossians ii.12; Acts viii.38,39.

Articles thirteen and fourteen deal with baptism. Article fourteen cites baptism by immersion, and not sprinkling, as the proper mode of baptism. Article thirteen establishes faith in Christ and obedience, as evidenced by manifestations of the fruit of the Spirit in ones life, as requirements for baptism. It reveals that baptism is a commandment to be obeyed by all the faithful.

15th. That persons so baptized ought, by free consent, to walk together, as God shall give opportunity in distinct churches, or assemblies of Zion, continuing in the Apostles' doctrine and fellowship, breaking of bread and prayers, as fellow-men caring for one another, according to the will of God. All these ordinances of Christ are enjoined in His Church, being to be observed till his Second Coming, which we all ought diligently to wait for.

Article fifteen deals with the community of the church as a congregation of baptized believers. It identifies the Lord's supper as an ordinance in the church and implies a closed communion.

A point of interest relative to Article fifteen, and indeed the whole Confession, is the absence of a statement concerning limitation of associational authority. This may be a result of the newness of associations as structured bodies. These brethren had not faced the abuses which later sometimes arose when Associations imposed certain policies and practices upon individual churches. Therefore, perhaps they saw little need to make provisions to curb such abuses in their Articles of Faith.

16th. That at the time appointed of the Lord, the dead bodies of all men, just and unjust, shall rise again out of their graves, that all may receive according to what they have done in their bodies, be it good or evil.

Article sixteen addresses the resurrection and final judgement. The statement of these principles is very general. However, they are specific in identifying the resurrection of both the just and unjust. Annihilation theories cannot be contrived in the wording of this article. It does not specifically attach the principle of immediate ascension into heaven for the just. However, neither does it imply a temporary respite after resurrection. For this reason, and because historically there is no evidence to support the thought that the Midland brethren believed in a millennial reign, there is no reason to assume the absence of a principle of immediate ascension implies they believed in a millennial reign. Probably, the concept of millennial reign was so foreign it did not occur to them to state specifically a principle of immediate ascension.

The 1777 Kehukee Association Confession of Faith is a document written during a time of crisis. The Association, and, in one case, a church, were evenly divided over the issues of receiving and retaining members who were baptized in unbelief. The origin of this situation was the Arminian theology upon which the seven churches were first constituted. However, when they later converted to Calvinism, adopting the Philadelphia Confession as their creed, the problem continued. It came to the point of schism among the churches when the brethren of the Virginia Separate Baptists rejected the Kehukee's overtures for fellowship and correspondence. After investigating their faith and practice, the Virginia Separates found the Kehukee Association to be disorderly in both Faith and Practice. Their faith was considered unorthodox because they practiced unbelievers baptism. Their practice was unorthodox because they retained unbelievers as members. By unbelievers, the Separate Baptists contended that anyone who could not give an adequate expression of an assurance, or effect, of grace in his life was an unbeliever. This is not to say one did not possess a rational belief about God, or was not persuaded that Jesus was his Son; rather, if one could not recount a personal experience of regeneration or else could not relate some evidence of effectual manifestations of God's grace in his life, he was considered an unbeliever.

Though this seems a bit unusual today, we must realize that both regenerates and unregenerates, in that day, were required to attend church, study their Bibles and live according to Christian principles of morality. This made it possible for unregenerates to possess significant intellectual knowledge about God, void of spiritual understanding. Satan used this circumstance to present some, who were spiritual unbelievers, for baptism and church membership.

The Baptists were only somewhat vulnerable to this potentiality because they required believer's baptism and were, therefore, required to make judgments about candidates personal salvation. They were placed in a position of careful discernment of evidences of grace in order to minimize the possibility of accepting a false professor. The Separate Baptists met this challenge by requiring spiritual evidences of a heart felt, soul stirring belief in God. If one could not profess some experience of God's inward workings, they were not accepted for baptism.

This was in contrast to both the Arminian and Calvinist Baptists who used submission to baptism as a requisite evidence of a work of grace. They encouraged people to submit to baptism in order to prove to the church and themselves they were saved. In the case of the Arminians, this practice resulted from their theology of pelagian free-willism. With the Calvinists, it resulted from a distorted perseverance theology of evidential sanctification.

For the Calvinists, baptism was the next evidence after belief in the journey of perseverance. If the journey stopped short of baptism, it was concluded that the person was a false professor. However, this doctrine had the effect of encouraging unbelievers, fearful of a final judgement, to seek baptism to prove their salvation through an act of perseverance in sanctification. This phenomenon compelled the Calvinist Baptists to be even more rigid in their judgments of perseverance of true believers. In turn, this forced a practice of perseverance which, void of spiritual motivation because fear had quenched the spirit, could not distinguish effectual sanctification from an obedience which was motivated by fear and plus other external pressures. It was a perseverance which quenched the Spirit, thereby obscuring love as the motive for obedience. Thus, it nurtured attitudes of both fear and self-righteousness. The dominance of such emotions produced a religious climate void of soul motivated manifestations of consolation and joy. Such quenching of the Spirit made it impossible for believers to experience heartfelt religion. With every member thus denied the experience of heartfelt religion, regeneration could only be estimated by evidences of obedience to a rigid works system.

In this environment the Kehukee churches were vulnerable to baptizing unbelievers because they were unable to distinguish between simple socially acceptable behaviors and effectual sanctification; because their only method of assessing sanctification was external evidences of perseverance. Further, because they were unable to make such distinctions, they could not define their problem. However, they knew a problem existed. The churches' early associational letters frequently expressed statements of concern over coldness and lack of spiritual blessings among their members. In response, the association passed several resolutions for prayer meetings, unified daily prayer, and days of fasting in attempts to effect spiritual revival.

In part, the Separate Baptists were God's answer to their prayers. Immediately, these brethren were able to understand the nature of the Kehukee churches' problem. At the first opportunity, the Separate Baptists identified one symptom, which was the practice of baptizing and retaining unbelievers. Further, by uniting with them in the reformed Kehukee, they took steps to insure the problem would not recur.

The Association split in 1775 over these issues. Those holding to believers baptism met in 1777 and reformed the Association. In the course of reforming, three of the dissenting churches denounced their former position and came back to the Association. In addition, four nearby Separate Baptist Churches petitioned for membership. In all, ten churches met to reform the Kehukee Association. In so doing, they adopted a new constitution and new Confession of Faith, dropping the Philadelphia Confession.

By today's standards, it seems remarkable the Kehukee brethren were willing to discard their Philadelphia Confession. However, it must be remembered this group of churches had a relatively short history of Calvinism. The Kehukee Churches began as General Baptists. Their constitutions began as early as 1720. By 1729 all seven churches were constituted and holding a combined annual meeting. They remained Arminian General Baptist Churches until around 1765. Even as late as 1777 when the Kehukee reformed, the older churches still had a longer history as Arminians than as Calvinists.

The Kehukee brethren did not have a long association with the Philadelphia Confession. They formed as an Association in 1765 and adopted the Confession in 1767. Further, their transformation from Calvinism to Primitive Faith was not nearly as dramatic as their original transformation from Arminianism to Calvinism. Thus, it was not particularly painful for them to abandon a document which they had not authored and which they formally embraced for only ten years. In fact, taking at face value Elder Burkitt's statement concerning the reasons for adopting new articles of faith, some churches did not realize their new confession represented a departure from the Philadelphia Confession.

In writing their reformed confession, the Kehukee brethren pretty much abandoned the structural format of the Philadelphia Confession. This includes omission of the detail oriented style of the former confession. While some few phrases were retained, in general the language of the new document is different.

Any of several reasons may explain why such a dramatic departure from the Philadelphia document occurred. Probably, the new document was a compilation of several statements of beliefs submitted by the member churches of the Association. Elder Burkitt intimated as much when he wrote concerning this matter. His statement indicates several of the churches had previously never adopted formal Articles of Faith; therefore, each church applying for membership was required to submit a statement of beliefs.

The new Confession was written and adopted at a time of upheaval for several of the member churches. They were experiencing their third theological transition in as many decades. While, God's providence must be credited with bringing the Kehukee Churches so far in such a short time, such upheaval may have left these brethren a little fearful about being too specific in stating their theology. Or, they may have realized that lengthy and detailed Confessions tend to take on the authority of a creed, or were difficult for the general membership to understand. Realizing the word of God was their only creed, these brethren may have purposely avoided the temptation to produce a more weighty document. They may have simply wished to produce a confession which adequately distinguished, rather than inadequately defined, their beliefs.

The 1777 Kehukee Association Confession of Faith may be considered the first such document written and adopted in America. Prior to its adoption, Baptist churches either ignored the idea of written confessions or adopted some version of a confession written in England or Europe. Its style and relative brevity speaks to American's desire for directness. It contains all the salient principles of grace.

1. We believe in the being of God as almighty, eternal, unchangeable, of infinite wisdom, power, justice, holiness, goodness, mercy, and truth; and that this God has revealed Himself in his word under the characteristics of Father, Son and Holy Ghost.

Article one is a well stated tenet of the trinity of God. It defines God's character and power.

2. We believe that almighty God has made known His mind and will to the children of men in His word which word we believe to be of divine authority, and contains all things necessary to be made known for the salvation of men and women. The same is comprehended or contained in the Books of the Old and New Testaments as are commonly received.

This article ascribes divine inspiration and sufficiency to the scriptures. It defines scripture as expressions of the mind of God. It contains a definite statement concerning its functionality in providing instruction and access to salvation. This must be a salvation of divine deliverance in time, since scripture is the source of information for the salvation of men and women.

3. We believe that God, before the foundation of the world, for a purpose of His own glory, did elect a certain number of men and angels to eternal life and that His election is particular, eternal and unconditional on the creature's part.

This statement of election is brief but very specific and clear. It removes any possibility of human activity or influence in election. It limits election to the just only as the destination of the elect is eternal life.

4. We believe that, when God made man first, he was perfect, holy and upright, able to keep the law, but liable to fall, and that he stood as a federal head, or representative, of all his natural offspring and that they were partakers of the benefits of his obedience or exposed to the misery which sprang from his disobedience.

This article defines the creative character of God. It stipulates that man is a created being. However, in defining the moral quality of man, as he was created, the Kehukee brethren ascribed holiness to him. This cannot be. The insertion of holiness was probably a simple misstatement. If man was created holy, he was created with the Spirit of God in his being, since the seed of God is the only scripturally defined source for holiness in man. Therefore, in the fall, the Spirit of God would have died in trespasses and sin. It is likely the Kehukee brethren actually meant man was created righteous; that is, given a sinless nature.

An interesting point about this article, especially in light of the Kehukee Association's later history, is that it eliminates predestination as a motive for Adam's transgression. It says he was able to keep God's law but liable to fall. This contrast of obedience and disobedience, all within the will of man, nullifies all accusations of God's culpability in the origin of sin. It eliminates fatalism as an ingredient of man's sin or sinning.

5. We believe that Adam fell from his state of moral rectitude, and that he involved himself and all his natural offspring in a state of death; and, for that original transgression, we are both guilty and filthy in the sight of our holy God.

Article five identifies original sin and its consequence. It defines man as dead in sin, and further describes his depravity as guilt and filth.

6. We believe that it is utterly out of the power of men, as fallen creatures, to keep the law of God perfectly, repent of their sins truly, or believe in Jesus Christ, except they be drawn by the Holy Ghost.

This article defines the complete inability of man to deliver himself, by thought, word or deed from the corruption and condemnation of sin. It reveals the Kehukee churches' belief that obedience, repentance and faith are all divine influences and without the presence of the Holy Ghost, all are impossible. This article does not go so far as to declare a requirement of indwelling; and so, taken alone could be interpreted as Calvinistic. But when read in the context of the entire confession, the phrase, "except they be drawn by the Holy Ghost" may be considered as the divine intervention of new birth.

No doubt, use of the term is in reference to John 6:44; "No man can come to me except the Father which hath sent me draw him; and I will raise him up at the last day." In this verse, the Savior indicates the need of the divine power of God to bring one to him. In verse 45 the Savior more fully develops this point. "It is written in the prophets, And they shall be all taught of God. Every man therefore that hath heard, and hath learned of the Father, cometh to me." This verse teaches a principle of direct divine instruction. It indicates that every man, without failure, which is taught by God is drawn by God, to Christ. That is, every one who hears the quickening voice of God proceeds to Christ in a redemptive sense. Though God quickens, it is Christ who redeems. All who are quickened are instantly presented to Christ for effectual redemption. Another way of saying the same thing is; it is by the application of the blood of Christ that we are redeemed from our sins.

The Savior indicated those who come to him are taught by the Father. This demonstrates a tutoring witness in regeneration. Paul described this witness and his testimony in Romans 8:16."For the Spirit itself beareth witness with our spirit, that we are the children of God."

This article does not exclude a need for gospel instruction in order to obey, repent or believe. The gospel is not mentioned because the article deals with the fundamental inability of man to approach God without a prior work of grace. It was not appropriate to discuss the gospel at this point. To do so may have confused some with notions of gospel instrumentality in regeneration.

7. We believe in God's appointed time and way (by means which he has obtained) the elect shall be called, justified and sanctified, and that it is impossible they can utterly refuse the call, but shall be made willing by divine grace to recieve the offers of mercy.

This article sets forth the principles of the operation of regeneration. It states that God's work of grace is irresistible. It identifies divine calling, justification and sanctification as the component principles of regeneration.

It also contains a remarkable parenthetical clause which clearing demonstrates how far these brethren had come in their journey. First, as Arminians, then Calvinists, these brethren would have identified the gospel as the means he has obtained.

By inserting the phrase (by means which he has obtained) the Kehukee brethren sent a message to all. They did not believe the gospel to be instrumental in regeneration. They are writing of means or methods which God alone utilizes in regeneration. This precludes man obtaining some means or methods to save himself or others. Because they are God's means they are not man's means. Some might suppose the means which the Kehukee brethren meant is gospel instrumentality. This is assigning a specific belief which they would not identify for themselves.

It is more likely they did not identify a specific means because they did not know it. This position is in keeping with a mystery to which Jesus Christ alluded when speaking to Nicodemus."Marvel not that I said unto thee, Ye must be born again. The wind bloweth where it listeth, and thou hearest the sound thereof, but canst not tell whence it cometh, and whither it goeth: so is everyone born of the Spirit." (John 3:7-8). These verses express the both the sovereignty and mystery of God in the time and circumstance of regeneration. We hear the sound of the wind at the same moment it is felt. We hear the quickening call of God and immediately feel the evidence of his presence. But having heard God's call, like hearing wind blowing, we cannot describe the exact circumstance or means of his calling to us. Neither, as with where the wind will blow next, can we foretell who will next hear the voice of God in regeneration.

8. We believe that justification in the sight of God is only by the imputed righteousness of Jesus Christ, received and applied by faith alone.

Article eight expands the definition of justification as it is used in the previous article. The order of the last phrase "received and applied by faith alone" suggests the Kehukee brethren held the exact same position concerning the doctrine of justification as was held by the Midland brethren. They understood that effectual justification is received by the faith of the operation of God (Colossians 2:12) Further, they understood that it is applied experientially in the believer's life based upon his faithful obedience to God as detailed in the gospel. The distinction made in the phrase "received and applied" indicates two activities of justification. It is received effectually in regeneration. It is also recieved experientially after regeneration through faith. This is the lesson of Romans 4. Abraham was saved eternally years before the believing of Romans 4 occurred. Hebrews 11:8 - 9 proves he was saved already. Further, James 2 identifies Abraham's belief of Romans 4 as experiential. The experience was that, by obeying God's will, he was called the friend of God. (Being called the friend of God, when it is God who is calling you his friend, is an experience of joy unspeakable, full of glory, in the life of one so fortunate). Applying faith in our lives works an experience of justification. The Kehukee brethren called experiential justification applied justification.

9. We believe, in like manner, that God's elect shall not only be called, and justified, but that they shall be converted, born again and changed by the effectual workings of God's holy Spirit.

Continuing the discussion of the specific nature of regeneration, the Kehukee Confession reveals a principle of conversion. The word converted in this context deals with a fundamental change in the disposition of one born of God. The Apostle Paul characterized the fundamental nature of the conversion of regeneration in Romans 7 as initiating a warfare. He identified a basic change in affections as the stimulus of this conflict. This is the conversion of article nine.

10. We believe that such as are converted, justified and called by His grace, shall persevere in holiness, and never fall away.

This article is a statement of belief in the final preservation of the saints. The Oxford Universal Dictionary on Historical Principle gives the following theological definition to the word perseverance: Continuance in a state of grace leading finally to a state of glory. No doubt, the Kehukee brethren had this definition in mind. Nothing more should be read into their use of the word persevere.

11. We believe it to be a duty incumbent on all God's people to walk religiously in good works, not in the old covenant way of seeking life and favor of the Lord by it, but only as a duty from a principle of love.

With this article the Kehukee brethren, like their Midland forefathers, identified love as the motivating principle for obedience. They make note that some have used obedience as a legal means to attempt to gain God's favor. They define the motive of obedience not as reward, but as love. Thus they retain a perspective of God's graciousness in all his dealings with his children. He does not simply reward, for every reward for faith and obedience, in reality, is a gracious gift. No effort by man is ever seen as worthy of the pleasure of God, unless it is appraised through the blood of Christ. Therefore it is futile for one to serve God with the motive of seeking rewards from Him. Love is the only acceptable motive for serving God.

However, the presence of grace does not preclude the necessity of obedience. Article eleven establishes this principle. Obedience is still required, but it is reckoned of grace, not of reward.

12. We believe baptism and the Lord's supper are gospel ordinances both belonging to the converted or true believers; and that persons who are sprinkled or dipped while in unbelief are not regularly baptized according to God's word, and that such ought to be baptized after they are savingly converted in the faith of Christ.

Article twelve is curiously stated. By today's standard, it is accepted without statement that sprinkling is not baptizing. This was also the case in 1777. However, the Kehukee brethren needed to make a statement about believers baptism and, perhaps, they did not wish to draw specific attention to the issue in a context of their own problems and subsequent reformation. Also, it is apparent from the history of the Kehukee churches that members who were baptized by immersion as Arminian General Baptists, reformed as Particular Baptists then reformed again as Primitive Baptists all without rebaptisms. They could not be too specific about baptismal authority because their own baptisms would be brought into question.

However, they did not entirely ignore the issue of those who had been baptized by immersion before they believed. They could not, because they reformed over this specific issue. It must be presumed that all those who had been immersed in unbelief had either been baptized again after they believed, or excommunicated from the member churches.

Though stated with a polemic tone, the heart of this article defines baptism by immersion, for believers only.

13. We believe that every church is independent in matters of discipline; and that Associations, Councils and Conferences of several ministers, or churches, are not to impose on the churches the keeping, holding or maintaining of any principle or practice contrary to Church's judgement.

The Kehukee brethren identify a principle of church authority and accountability in this article. They establish that churches may call upon one another, in various formats, for aid in counsel. However, they retain the authority of the nuclear church to make her own determinations. Simply stated, the rulings of councils are not binding on churches. This article implies that Christ alone is the head of the church and that scripture is the only rule of faith and practice.

14. We believe in the resurrection of the dead, both of the just and unjust, and a general judgment.

15. We believe the punishment of the wicked is everlasting and the joys of the righteous are eternal.

These two articles define the Kehukee churches' beliefs concerning the resurrection of the dead. They believed in a general resurrection of the dead, of the just and unjust. They believed in a final judgement. They believed in a literal heaven and hell. They believed the wicked will forever suffer in hell and the just will forever rejoice in heaven. Like the Midland brethren, they give no hint that they believed in a millennial reign.

16. We believe that no minister has no [sic] right to administration of the ordinances, only as are regularly called and come under the imposition of hands by the presbytery.

This article states the principles of ministerial authority, that only properly ordained ministers may administer baptism and the Lord's supper. Further it notes laying on of hands as the method of ordination. Laying on of hands implies a continuous succession of the ministry as Paul taught in II Timothy 2:2.

A point should be made here. The Kehukees evidently dropped the practice of laying on of hands of the newly baptized. This is significant because the Particular Baptists practiced this error. The Philadelphia Confession contained an additional article establishing this erroneous activity as a practice.

17. Lastly, we believe that, for the mutual comfort, union and satisfaction of the several churches of the aforesaid faith and order, we ought to meet in an Association way, wherein each church ought to represent their case by their delegates and attend as often as necessary to advise the several churches in conference and that the decision of matters in such Associations are not to be imposed, or in any wise binding, on the churches, without their consent, but only to sit as an advisory council.

The final article deals with the validity and authority of associations. The Kehukee brethren believed in the propriety of such unions but were careful to limit their authority. They present the association as a body of fellowship which may advice churches in matters of faith and order, but have no authority to impose their advice on the churches. The Confession is basically apologetic in style and substance. However, the underlying issues of the doctrinal issues which brought about the need for reformation are dealt with in a more polemic tone. Article twelve attests to the sensitivity the Kehukee brethren felt concerning baptism of believers. They specifically define true believers as those who are converted, inferring the possibility of unconverted (unregenerate) believers. Their own experiences testified to the fact that this class of believer not only existed, but sometimes sought baptism.

Their application of faith in justification shows their understanding of this doctrine to be consistent with the Midland brethren. Also, it is significant, that they omitted saving faith both conceptually and linguistically from their Confession.

Article seventeen defines the reason for the Association's formation and its scope and method of activity. Also, while article fifteen seems to exclude associational jurisdiction, article seventeen defines it as a consulting body; but, reiterates the limit of authority the association may exercise.

The Sandy Creek confession is the shortest of the three documents. However, its brevity does not imply lack of doctrinal understanding by its authors. The succinctness of the confession, together with its late arrival, speaks to the reluctance of the Separate Baptists to be tied to uninspired documents. Though the Sandy Creek Association was constituted in 1758, it was fifty-eight years before these brethren got around to formally adopting their principles of faith. But form was never their strong point, as compared to substance. Their earliest associations were conducted without formal officers or even a business meeting, though they did keep records of the meetings. They considered the worship service too important to be imposed upon by a formal business session. In like manner, they asserted that Holy Scripture provided a substantial statement of their beliefs; consequently, they didn't place much value on Confessions of Faith as a form of expression of beliefs.

Their first attempt at a written confession reveals the validity of their assertion as to the sufficiency of scripture. The document is well organized and to the point. In ten short statements the Sandy Creek brethren express their belief in the essential points of the doctrines of grace. It is easily understood. One can well imagine the members and friends of the association using the document as a study guide.

Art. I. We believe that there is only one true and living God; the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, equal in essence, power and glory; and yet there are not three Gods but one God.

Article one is a short statement of the singular identity of God as one true God and as a trinity Godhead. They ascribe equal power and glory to him in the trinity.

II. That Scriptures of the Old and New Testaments are the word of God, and only rule of faith and practice.

This article assigns divine inspiration as the authority of Holy Scripture in matters of faith and practice.

III. That Adam fell from his original state of purity, and that his sin is imputed to his posterity; that human nature is corrupt, and that man, of his own free will and ability, is impotent to regain the state in which he was primarily place.

The Sandy Creek churches include a statement concerning the purity of Adam in creation and his depravity in transgression. They identify him as the federal head of sin in humanity. A brief statement of the nature of depraved man is included.

IV. We believe in election from eternity, effectual calling by the Holy Spirit of God, and justification in his sight only by the imputation of Christ's righteousness. And we believe that they who are thus elected, effectually called, and justified, will persevere through grace to the end, that none of them be lost.

Article four is a comprehensive statement of the doctrine of election. It connects election to justification, effectual calling and eternal preservation. The connectivity of these concepts eliminates any consideration of a double election, of the just and unjust.

V. We believe that there will be a resurrection from the dead, and a general or universal judgment, and that the happiness of the righteous and punishment of the wicked will be eternal.

Article five is a concise statement of the resurrection of the dead. It specifies that both the just and unjust will be raised from the dead. It notes equality of duration of the bliss of the just and the suffering of the wicked. It contains neither statement nor inference of a millennial reign.

VI. The visible Church of Christ is a congregation of faithful persons, who have obtained fellowship with each other, and have given themselves up to the Lord and one another; having agreed to keep up a godly discipline, according to the rules of the Gospel.

The church as the visible kingdom of God with men is the subject of Article six. It describes the community of the church as a local body of the faithful engaged in fellowship. It defines their spiritual and bodily commitment to God and one another. It states a principle of godly discipline in accordance with gospel instruction.

VII. That Jesus Christ is the great head of the church, and that the government thereof is with the body.

This article acknowledges Christ as the head of the Church. It also declares the authority of the church in self-government.

VIII. That baptism and the Lord's Supper are ordinances of the Lord, and to be continued by his church until his second coming.

Article eight defines baptism and the Lord's supper as ordinances in the church. It is interesting that this article contains an identical sentiment as is stated in Article fifteen of the Midland Confession concerning the continuance of the ordinances of the church until Christ's second coming.

IX. That true believers are the only fit subjects of baptism;, and that immersion is the only mode.

Article nine is a mildly polemic statement concerning believers baptism. Perhaps it is so worded because of the Separate Baptists sensitivity to the Puritan practice of pedobaptism. However, seeing this document was written sixty years after their forefather's last contact with Puritanism and because they made a distinction about "true believers" baptism, it is more likely they are protecting themselves against the errors they found in the Kehukee Association in 1775. Whatever the reason, it is a simple statement of the principle of believer's baptism and baptism by immersion.

X. That the church has no right to admit any but regular baptized church members to communion at the Lord's table.

This final article is a statement of the principle of a closed communion. Also, it specifically ties regular baptism to church membership. This implies the Sandy Creek churches practiced closed membership. By inserting the words "church members" the Sandy Creek brethren removed all doubt as to whom they considered to be baptized regularly. Regular baptized persons were members of orthodox Baptist Churches.

The Sandy Creek Principles of Faith, as a document, is a reasonable statement of the doctrines of grace. Its brevity does not allow detailed explanations. Neither does it confuse the reader. It is truly an outline. While refusing to be bound to written articles of faith nevertheless its authors understood they would be identified by this document. They were careful to pen a confession which identified their doctrine but left the reader some degree of liberty to define it. They recognized their need for a document indicating commonly held beliefs but were wise to realize that a comprehensive statement could cause confusion or even schism.

Each of the three Confessions discussed possesses Holy Scripture as it basis of origin. However, they each suggest the influence of their own unique historical circumstance. The Midland Confession is unique as an original composition in context of the existence of the 1644 London Confession. The obvious differences in the two documents, in light of the familiarity the Midland brethren had with the London Confession, attests to their theological independence from the London churches.

The Kehukee Confession was written in the context of reformation. It displays minimal reliance upon the Philadelphia Confession. It is independent and original in structure and content. When separation from the Philadelphia Confession was necessary in order to eliminate errors which were introduced by Arminian theology and sustained by Calvinist theology, the Kehukee brethren gladly departed. Where there is common theology they borrowed small phrases. However, for the most part, the Kehukee Churches opted to use their own style and concepts. In this regard the Confession is an original document.

The Sandy Creek Principles of Faith is clearly influenced by these brethren's historic aversion to uninspired religious creeds. They took great pains to create a document which adequately identified their beliefs but could never be given the authority of Holy Scripture. Their document could never be mistaken for a canonical creed.

Despite the diverse influences exercised in writing these documents, they contain striking similarities. The most obvious is they all may be interpreted to say the same thing. Certainly, similarity should exist since all three documents claim a singular origin in Holy Scripture. But many such documents claim scripture as their origin yet do not agree with one another or with these three confessions. Therefore, while we give credence to the validity of common origin, we also look beyond singular origin and explore the possibility of common experiential influence.

The several preceding pages, which detailed the succession of the church, present a reasonable argument as to the plausibility of common experiential influence. Now, we will attempt to find evidences of such influence in the documents by comparing their contents.

All three documents share the common feature of avoiding restatements or even reinterpretations of either of the two London Confessions. Their connectivity lies in the body of their similarities despite the fact that the London Confessions had little to no influence upon their authors, either by circumstance, as was the case for the Sandy Creek document, or by design, as was the case for the Midland and Kehukee documents. Thus, their similarities are rooted elsewhere, evidently in providential succession. Indeed, their similarities speak to this issue. Without a line of succession, how could three such different groups, separated by geography and time, possess such similar documents? This point is particularly striking when comparing the Midland Confession and Sandy Creek Principles.

The probability of providential perpetuity is enhanced by the unlikelihood that the Separates or Kehukees had access to a copy of the Midland Confession. There seems to be no record of this document actually traveling to American in the seventeenth century in a concise form. This fact seems to strengthen the potential of providential intervention. As we shall attempt to prove, the three documents appear to contain unique presentations of theological concepts which are nearly identical. In places they contain nearly identical phrases; which, in turn, are unique to the three confessions. They all begin with an order previously not used in Particular Baptist Confessions. All three confessions share common and concise language style as compared to the intricate wording of the London Confessions.

The Midland and Sandy Creek Confessions, on the whole, are most similar. They are both short and concise in structure and language. Also both use similar, odd sentence structure. Many articles in both begin with the word "that" leaving "we believe" to be inferred by the reader. This is a unique sentence structure not found in either of the London Confessions, the Philadelphia Confession, or subsequent Primitive Confessions. This style seems to be a unique anomaly of the Midland Confession, and perhaps was providentially passed to the Sandy Creek Principles.

Each confession begins with a statement of the identity and authority of God. The Kehukee and Sandy Creek documents present their statements as single articles. The Midland Confession divides the statement into two articles.

In all three confessions the next subject is a statement of the authority and validity of Holy Scripture. The Midland and Kehukee statements are most similar. Both contain phrases identifying scripture as the revealed mind of God. Use of the word "mind" as in "revealed mind of God" is unique. The London Confessions present more abstract statements identifying scripture as expressions of the will and thoughts of God.

Both the Midland and Kehukee documents insert a principle of temporal deliverance, or time salvation, into this article. For the Kehukee brethren this represented a departure from the London Confession. Further, it suggests Midland influence in writing the Kehukee Confession, since the Midland Confession was the first and only modern confession containing a specific statement of temporal salvation.

Next in subject order is Adamic sin. The Kehukee document divided this subject into two articles. However, all three confessions are in essential agreement with the exception of the Kehukees' misstatement concerning Adam's holiness, as mentioned earlier.

The order of the previous three subjects, identity of God, authority of scripture and Adamic sin is identical in all three confessions. For the Kehukees this was a structural departure from the London Confession. As the second written of the three confessions, this hints of Midland Confession influence in the writing of the Kehukee Confession.

All three confessions contain connective statements underscoring election. The Midland statement is the most general, connecting election in only a broad sense to regeneration and preservation. However, the remaining confessions are very specific in connecting election to effectual calling, justification and sanctification. All the documents cite foreknowledge as the basis of election, noting its presence before the world existed. They all note the sovereignty of God and man's inability to influence his choice in election. All three Confessions are absent any statement or implication of a double election of the just and unjust.

Each confession describes justification through Christ. The Kehukee and Sandy Creek specifically identify justification to occur by the imputed righteousness of Christ. They all are void of any reference to saving faith, though each contains wording which associates faith and justification. None of the confessions assign a principle of faith to man before he is justified.

The Midland and Kehukee Confessions each contain a highly developed concept of justification. They both surpass Calvin's limited justification theories and reveal the bible principle of experiential justification. Inclusion of this tenet identifies the principles of experiential justification as the parameters for God's providential or time salvation. This is a doctrine which is absent in Calvin's writings and both of the London Confessions.

The Midland and Kehukee documents contain specific and separate articles concerning the utter inability of man to deliver himself from the condition of sin. Further, they include statements as to man's inability to resist the grace of God in regeneration. Both, in principle, reject prior belief in Jesus Christ as a precursor to justification.

The Midland and Sandy Creek include strikingly similar statements concerning the identity of Christ. They both describe him as the head of the church.

The Midland and Kehukee contain specific articles declaring baptism and godliness as moral requirements for all regenerates. They are both very careful disassociating this principle to law service by any definition of law. They cite true faith and unfeigned love as the basis of discipleship. For the Kehukee churches this represented a departure from the more rigid legalist orientation of the London Confession. None of the confessions assign baptism a role of evidentiary confirmation of salvation. They simply state it the duty of believers to be baptized.

All three assert a principle of believers baptism. All three ascribe immersion as the proper mode of baptism. The Midland and Kehukee Confessions include a polemic statement against sprinkling.

They identify baptism and the Lord's Supper as ordinances in the church. None of the confessions elevate the bread and wine of the Lord's Supper to the status of sacrament. Each expresses a belief in a closed communion.

All three confessions contain statements regarding the church as the visible kingdom of God, with men. The Midland and Sandy Creek are most similar. Noting fellowship as an important element of church membership, they stress the concept of the community of the church rather than a rigid intrachurch government. They both contain similar wording addressing the need for church members to give themselves to the Lord and each other.